HISTORY  OF 

SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS 

IN  IOWA 

A  STUDY  IN  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


BY 


DAN  ELBERT  CLARK 


SUP.MITTEI>    TO    THE    FACULTY    OF   THE    GRADUATE    COLLEGE 

01   THK  STA  TK   UNIVERSITY  OF  IOWA  IN  Nl«s'F.TEEN-TE  S       S 
PARTIAL    FULFILLMENT    OK    THE    REQTJIREME  v 
.">R  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OK  PHILOSOPHY 


IOWA  CITY  IOWA 
1912 


EXCHANGE 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 


HISTORY  OF 

SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS 
IN  IOWA 

A  STUDY  IN  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


BY 
DAN  ELBERT /CLARK 


SUBMITTED   TO    THE    FACULTY   OF   THE    GRADUATE    COLLEGE 

OF  THE  STATE  UNIVERSITY  OF  IOWA  IN  NINETEEN-TEN  IN 

PARTIAL    FULFILLMENT    OF    THE    REQUIREMENTS 

FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


IOWA  CITY  IOWA 
1912 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

THE  Constitution  of  the  United  States  provides 
that  each  State  shall  be  represented  in  the  federal 
Senate  by  two  Senators  who  shall  be  chosen  by  the 
State  legislature,  and  that  each  State  shall  pre- 
scribe by  law  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  holding 
elections  of  Senators  —  but  Congress  may  alter  such 
regulations  except  as  to  the  place  of  holding  the 
elections.  Until  the  enactment  of  a  statute  in  1866, 
however,  Congress  left  the  regulation  of  senatorial 
elections  entirely  to  the  State  legislatures. 

Twenty-five  times  during  the  history  of  Iowa  has 
the  General  Assembly  been  called  upon  to  select  men 
to  represent  the  Commonwealth  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States ;  and  on  three  occasions  the  Governor 
has  made  appointments,  two  of  which  were  later 
ratified  by  the  legislature.  Fifteen  men  have  been 
the  recipients  of  this  highest  gift  within  the  power  of 
the  State.  Two  of  them  resigned  before  the  expira- 
tion of  their  terms  in  order  to  accept  positions  in 
the  President's  Cabinet;  death  removed  three  in  the 
midst  of  their  duties;  still  others  remained  for  two 
or  three  successive  terms ;  while  one  occupied  a  seat 

7 


549760 


8  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

in  the  upper  house  of  Congress  for  a  period  of 
thirty-five  years. 

For  four  of  these  men  the  governorship  of  the 
State  of  Iowa  proved  a  stepping  stone  to  a  seat  in 
the  United  States  Senate.  Six  had  previously  repre- 
sented the  people  of  Iowa  in  the  lower  house  of  Con- 
gress, either  as  Territorial  Delegate  or  as  Represen- 
tative. One  had  been  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Iowa;  while  the  remaining  four  were  compara- 
tively unexperienced  in  official  position  when  they 
were  sent  to  the  Senate. 

The  history  of  the  election  of  United  States  Sen- 
ators differs  from  the  history  of  contests  for  election 
to  any  other  important  office  largely  in  the  fact  that 
the  electorate  is  very  limited,  since  only  the  mem- 
bers of  the  General  Assembly  participate  directly  in 
the  election  of  United  States  Senators.  The  task 
which  has  confronted  aspirants  for  this  office,  there- 
fore, has  been  to  win  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the 
members  of  the  legislature. 

At  the  same  time  there  has  always  been  a  wide- 
spread interest  in  senatorial  contests  on  the  part  of 
the  people  of  the  State  on  account  of  the  importance 
of  the  office.  And  so  candidates  for  Senator  have 
endeavored  by  various  means  to  win  popular  favor 
and  thus  indirectly  to  bring  influence  to  bear  on 
members  of  the  General  Assembly.  The  most  ef- 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 


fective  means  by  which  the  claims  of  senatorial  can- 
didates have  been  brought  before  the  people  has 
been  through  the  newspapers.  Each  of  the  leading 
candidates  from  1846  down  to  the  present  time  has 
had  loyal  and  active  supporters  among  the  editors 
of  the  State.  Circular  letters,  private  correspond- 
ence, and  personal  canvass  are  other  means  which 
have  been  employed  by  candidates  to  further  their 
cause  among  both  the  members  of  the  legislature  and 
the  people  at  large. 

While  quiet  work  has  often  been  begun  far  in  ad- 
vance of  the  date  of  election,  senatorial  contests  have 
usually  begun  in  earnest  early  in  the  summer  of  the 
year  preceding  the  session  of  the  legislature  at 
which  United  States  Senators  were  to  be  elected. 
Candidates  in  the  ranks  of  both  political  parties  an- 
nounced themselves,  and  in  many  instances  the  con- 
test for  the  senatorship  has  had  an  important  effect 
on  State  elections.  Not  only  has  the  bearing  of  the 
political  complexion  of  the  legislature  on  the  election 
of  United  States  Senators  been  cited  as  an  argument 
for  voting  a  straight  ticket,  but  frequently  legisla- 
tive candidates  have  been  nominated  and  elected  on 
the  basis  of  their  preference  for  senatorial  candi- 
dates. Frequently,  also,  nominating  conventions 
have  definitely  instructed  legislative  nominees  rela- 
tive to  their  votes  for  United  States  Senators. 


10  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

After  the  State  elections  the  contest  has  as  a  rule 
been  limited  to  candidates  of  the  party  which  has  se- 
cured a  majority  in  the  General  Assembly.  The 
main  effort  after  that  time  has  been  to  secure  the 
party  nomination  in  the  caucus  of  members  of  the 
legislature  shortly  after  the  convening  of  the  As- 
sembly. With  only  a  few  exceptions  the  winning  of 
the  nomination  of  the  dominant  party  has  amounted 
to  an  election,  for  there  have  seldom  been  instances 
of  bolting  the  caucus  nominations  in  the  votes  in 
joint  convention.  Except  for  the  deadlocks  which 
began  and  closed  the  history  of  senatorial  elections 
in  Iowa  and  the  unusual  election  of  James  Harlan  in 
1855,  the  elections  in  the  joint  conventions  of  the  two 
houses  of  the  legislature  have  been  uneventful. 

There  was  little  variation  in  the  methods  of  car- 
rying on  senatorial  contests  from  the  first  campaign 
until  the  year  1907,  when  the  movement  in  favor  of 
the  popular  election  of  United  States  Senators  which 
had  been  growing  for  many  years  culminated  in  the 
enactment  of  a  statute  providing  for  the  nomination 
of  Senators  by  the  people  at  primary  elections. 
Since  1907,  therefore,  it  has  been  more  necessary  for 
candidates  to  appeal  directly  to  the  people  for  sup- 
port, and  thus  in  the  ranks  of  both  of  the  leading 
political  parties  there  has  been  a  more  widespread 
popular  interest  in  senatorial  contests. 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  11 

In  the  pages  which  follow  the  writer  has  endeav- 
ored to  present  the  main  facts  concerning  the  elec- 
tion of  United  States  Senators  in  Iowa  from  1846  to 
1912.  An  effort  has  been  made  to  enumerate  the 
leading  aspirants  for  the  senatorships,  to  state  the 
arguments  used  for  and  against  the  various  candi- 
dates, and  to  indicate  the  campaign  methods  em- 
ployed in  the  various  contests.  Since  1855  the  Ke- 
publican  party  has  controlled  the  General  Assembly, 
and  consequently  it  will  be  found  that  the  writer  has 
limited  the  discussion  quite  largely  to  the  Republican 
candidates  for  United  States  Senator.  In  only  a  few 
cases  since  1855  has  there  been  sufficient  prospect 
of  Democratic  success  in  the  senatorial  contests  to 
draw  out  the  active  efforts  of  candidates  in  the  ranks 
of  that  party. 

The  writer  realizes  that  much  interesting  history 
has  been  left  unwritten  in  this  volume.  Behind  the 
scenes,  as  in  most  political  contests,  there  have  un- 
doubtedly transpired  many  things  which  will  never 
be  known  except  to  those  intimately  concerned. 
Doubtless  influences  were  brought  to  bear  in  favor 
of  or  against  various  candidates  of  which  the  public 
knew  nothing  or  at  least  had  only  vague  suspicions. 
It  would  be  folly  to  declare  that  promises  of  money, 
position,  or  power  were  never  (if  not  frequently) 
made  to  gain  support  and  votes  in  the  race  for  the 


12  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

coveted  position.  But  it  is  believed  that  the  history 
of  senatorial  elections  in  Iowa  is  relatively  free  from 
corrupt  practices  when  compared  with  the  history  of 
similar  contests  in  many  other  Commonwealths. 

The  discussion  of  senatorial  elections  in  Iowa 
since  1900  has,  for  reasons  which  are  obvious,  been 
limited  to  a  mere  chronicle  of  the  main  events  and 
features  of  the  various  contests. 

The  materials  from  which  this  volume  was  writ- 
ten fall  mainly  in  three  classes.  The  Journals  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  Iowa  furnished  the  outline  and  the  of- 
ficial record  of  the  elections.  Newspaper  files  in  the 
collections  of  The  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa 
at  Iowa  City  and  the  Historical  Department  of  Iowa 
at  Des  Moines  supplied  the  great  body  of  informa- 
tion concerning  candidates  and  campaigns.  The 
writer  endeavored  to  obtain  an  impartial  view  by 
searching  through  the  files  of  a  large  number  of 
newspapers  of  both  political  parties. 

Finally  a  glimpse  of  the  personal  side  of  some  of 
the  contests  was  gained  from  collections  of  the  pa- 
pers and  correspondence  of  a  number  of  the  success- 
ful candidates.  Perhaps  the  most  helpful  in  this 
respect  was  the  magnificent  collection  known  as  the 
Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  which  was  kindly  loaned  to  The  State  His- 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  13 

torical  Society  of  Iowa  by  Mrs.  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  a 
daughter  of  Senator  Harlan.  Much  valuable  mate- 
rial was  also  secured  from  the  Correspondence  of 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  the  Correspondence  of  George 
W.  Jones,  and  other  collections  of  papers  which  are 
preserved  in  the  Historical  Department  of  Iowa  at 
Des  Moines. 

The  preparation  of  this  volume  was  begun  sev- 
eral years  ago  while  the  writer  was  a  graduate  stu- 
dent in  The  State  University  of  Iowa.  From  that 
time  until  the  reading  of  the  last  page  of  proof  the 
writer  has  benefited  by  the  hearty  interest  and  co- 
operation of  his  associates  in  The  State  Historical 
Society  of  Iowa,  and  grateful  appreciation  of  their 
many  services  is  hereby  expressed.  Especially  does 
the  writer  desire  to  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to 
Dr.  Benj.  F.  Shambaugh,  Superintendent  of  The 
State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa,  who  first  suggested 
the  writing  of  this  volume  and  whose  advice  and  en- 
couragement have  been  a  constant  aid  and  inspira- 
tion. 

DAN  ELBEBT  CLARK 

THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  IOWA 
IOWA  CITY  IOWA 


CONTENTS 

I.     THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION  IN 

IOWA 17 

II.     THE  ELECTION  OF  GEORGE  W.  JONES 

IN  1852    .        .        .        .  .     .        .        50 

III.  THE  FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HAR- 

LAN 59 

IV.  THE  CONTESTED  ELECTION  OF  JAMES 

HARLAN 88 

V.     THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES 

IN  1858 104 

VI.     THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN  IN 

1860 120 

VII.     THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES 

IN  1864 ^129 

VIII.     THE  ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND  KIRK- 
WOOD  IN  1866 132 

IX.     THE  ELECTION  OF  WRIGHT  AND  HOW- 
ELL  IN  1870 143 

X.     THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLI- 
SON IN  1872 152 

XI.     THE  ELECTION  OF  SAMUEL  J.  KIRK- 
WOOD  IN  1876    168 

15 


16  CONTENTS 


XII.     THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLI- 
SON IN  1878 180 

XIII.  THE  ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  Mc- 

DILL  IN  1882 187 

XIV.  THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLI- 

SON IN  1884 200 

XV.     THE,  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  F.  WILSON 

IN  1888 210 

XVI.     THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLI- 
SON IN  1890 216 

XVII.     THE  ELECTION  OF  JOHN  H.  GEAK  IN 

1894 222 

XVIII.     THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLI- 
SON IN  1896 235 

XIX.     SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA  1900- 

1911 239 

NOTES  AND  EEFERENCES      .         .         .       263 
INDEX  311 


THE  FIEST  SENATOBIAL  ELECTION 
IN  IOWA 

WHEN  the  long  controversy  over  boundaries  had 
been  settled  late  in  the  summer  of  1846  *  and  it  was 
definitely  decided  that  Iowa  should  be  admitted  into 
the  Union,  leading  politicians  began  to  cast  their 
nets  for  the  many  choice  offices  which  statehood 
would  create.  The  most  coveted  offices  naturally 
were  the  two  seats  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and 
so  the  contest  for  these  places  began  early  and  grew 
in  bitterness  as  time  progressed. 

The  first  general  election  for  State  officers  and 
for  members  of  the  General  Assembly  was  held  on 
October  26,  1846.  During  the  weeks  immediately 
preceding  this  election  newspaper  editors  called  the 
attention  of  their  readers  to  the  fact  that  two  United 
States  Senators  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  General 
Assembly  and  that  the  political  complexion  of  the 
legislature  would  determine  whether  Whigs  or 
Democrats  would  receive  these  much  desired  offices. 
"Let  every  friend  of  the  Tariff  of  1842;  every 
advocate  for  the  improvement  of  our  Eivers  and 
Harbors;  every  opponent  of  the  Sub  Treasury  and 
the  issuance  of  treasury  notes,  and  every  patriotic 
voter  in  Iowa  remember",  urged  the  editor  of  an 

2  17 


18  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Iowa  City  paper,  "that  the  first  General  Assembly 
will  be  charged  with  the  responsible  duty  of  electing 
two  Senators  to  represent  the  State  of  Iowa  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  .  .  .  Shall  Iowa 
be  misrepresented  in  the  Senate  by  progressive 
Locofocos,  or  truly  represented  by  Whigs,  or  old 
fashioned  Democrats  I ' ?2 

The  Democrats  were  the  dominant  party  at  this 
time,  and  on  October  26,  1846,  they  elected  their 
entire  State  ticket,  and  secured  twelve  of  the 
nineteen  Senators;  while  the  Whigs  elected  twenty 
out  of  the  thirty-nine  Representatives.3  Thus  it 
appeared  that  the  Democrats  would  have  a  clear 
majority  on  a  joint  ballot,  and  would  be  able  to 
reward  two  of  their  faithful  leaders  by  electing  them 
to  the  dignified  position  of  United  States  Senator. 
Consequently  it  was  within  the  ranks  of  the 
Democratic  party  that  the  greatest  hopes  were 
raised.  Candidates  for  the  nomination  announced 
themselves  early,  and  began  to  canvass  the  situation 
in  support  of  their  claims.  Among  the  Whigs  there 
were  doubtless  many  who  looked  with  equal  longing 
toward  the  senatorships ;  but,  belonging  to  the 
minority  party,  they  lacked  the  prospect  of  probable 
or  even  possible  success  to  inspire  them  to  an  active 
campaign.  It  was  not  until  after  the  assembling  of 
the  legislature,  when  the  outlook  was  brighter,  that 
the  Whig  aspirants  seem  to  have  exerted  themselves 
to  any  great  extent. 

A  stir  was  produced  in  both  parties,  however, 
when  it  was  discovered  that  in  Lee  County  an 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         19 

independent  legislative  ticket  composed  of  both 
Whigs  and  Democrats  had  been  elected,  and  that  the 
orthodoxy  of  the  three  Locof  oco  members4  could  not 
be  depended  upon.  "For  the  information  of  our 
readers  without  the  bounds  of  Iowa ' ',  wrote  a  Whig 
editor  at  Iowa  City,  "we  will  state  that  we  have  a 
party  in  this  State,  called  Possums  by  their  partizan 
neighbors.  They  reside  in  Lee,  the  most  populous 
county  in  the  State,  and  have  a  way  of  doing  things, 
which  enables  them  to  wield  a  prodigious  influence 
in  a  party  conflict.  .  .  .  The  last  legislative 
ticket  was  made  up  of  one  Whig  and  one  Demo- 
cratic Senator,  and  three  Whig  and  two  Democratic 
Eepresentatives,  and  the  entire  ticket  was  elected 
by  a  large  majority.  .  .  .  There  was  a  reg- 
ular Locof  oco  ticket,  and  of  course  the  Democrats 
elected  on  the  Independent  ticket  will  not  consider 
themselves  as  instructed  to  go  for  Locof  oco  men  or 
measures."5 

Naturally  there  was  much  speculation  as  to  the 
course  these  three  Independent  Democrats  from  Lee 
County  would  take  in  the  election  of  United  States 
Senators.  If  they  should  vote  with  the  Democrats 
it  was  reasonably  certain  that  Locofoco  Senators 
would  be  chosen.  On  the  other  hand,  if  they  voted 
with  the  Whigs  there  might  be  a  victory  for  that 
party ;  while  if  they  should  vote  independently  they 
might  even  prevent  an  election.  Thus  an  element  of 
uncertainty  added  interest  to  the  contest,  and  both 
parties  maneuvered  for  the  support  of  the  three 
doubtful  members.  The  Democrats  charged  the 


20  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

WMgs  with  "openly  and  shamefully  boasting,  that, 
by  the  system  of  bargain  and  sale,  for  which  they 
have  become  notorious,  they  will  secure  the  support 
of  the  three  democratic  members  from  Lee  county, 
in  the  election  of  United  States  Senator7'.  The 
Whigs  strenuously  denied  the  charge,  and  sought  to 
gain  favor  with  the  three  Independents  by  praising 
their  honesty  and  uprightness.6 

A  majority  of  the  Democrats  of  the  southern  part 
of  the  State,  from  the  first,  seem  to  have  favored 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  of  Burlington,  whose 
services  for  two  years  as  Eegister  of  the  Land  Office 
at  Burlington  had  made  him  many  friends;  and 
who  as  Delegate  to  Congress  for  six  years  had 
demonstrated  his  ability  to  care  faithfully  for  the 
interests  of  his  constituents.7  In  the  northern 
portion  of  the  State  popular  sentiment  among  the 
Democrats  was  divided  in  support  of  a  number  of 
men,  the  most  prominent  of  whom  were  Judge 
Thomas  S.  Wilson,  Stephen  Hempstead,  and  Lewis 
A.  Thomas  —  all  of  Dubuque.  In  writing  to  his 
friend  Laurel  Summers  of  the  prospects  of  the 
various  aspirants  early  in  October,  Lewis  A.  Thomas 
declared  that  there  was  a  general  feeling  that  Judge 
Wilson  had  been  "well  treated  by  the  Democratic 
Party  and  therefore  he  ought  to  defer  his  pretentious 
to  others  who  have  not  been  so  highly  favored."8 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  this  statement  was 
more  or  less  colored  by  the  fact  that  Thomas  himself 
was  one  of  those  who  had  not  been  "so  highly 
favored."  At  any  rate  Judge  Wilson's  chances 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         21 

continued  to  grow  brighter  as  the  time  for  the 
election  approached. 

The  northern  and  southern  portions  of  the  State 
were  equally  determined  that  the  other  section 
should  not  capture  both  of  the  senatorships.  Thus, 
at  this  early  date  there  was  begun  that  sectional 
strife  which  for  so  many  years  troubled  the  waters 
of  the  senatorial  sea  at  election  time.  Indeed,  it  was 
not  until  in  comparatively  recent  years  that  the 
discordant  cry  of  the  sectionalist  ceased  to  be  heard 
whenever  a  new  Senator  was  to  be  selected. 

Shortly  before  the  meeting  of  the  First  General 
Assembly  there  appeared  in  the  columns  of  a 
Locofoco  journal  at  Iowa  City  a  charge  against  the 
Whigs  which  is  interesting  in  the  light  of  the 
subsequent  action  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the 
legislature.  It  was  asserted  that  the  Whigs  in  some 
parts  of  the  State  had  "so  far  forgotten  their 
obligations  as  men  and  citizens  of  a  republic,  as  to 
menace  us  [the  Democrats]  with  a  refusal  of  the 
Whig  House  to  go  into  an  election  of  United  States 
Senators ",  if  there  was  no  prospect  of  a  Whig 
victory,  and  that  this  was  "in  character  with  those 
political  desperadoes  who  shamelessly  boast  of 
purchasing  freemen  at  the  polls  like  cattle  in  the 
shambles ".  "But  let  them  so  refuse  if  they  dare", 
warned  the  editor.9 

This  charge  drew  the  fire  of  the  Whig  press  all 
over  the  State,  and  a  vituperative  war  of  words 
ensued.  "The  Eeporter  is  hugely  alarmed  lest  the 
Whigs  should  follow  the  lead  of  Locofocoism",  said 


22  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

one  Whig  editor.  "Kemember  that  you  always 
put  too  low  an  estimate  on  the  Whigs  when 
you  judge  them  by  the  example  set  by  practical 
Locofocoism."10  Eastin  Morris,  another  Whig 
editor,  declared  that  if  the  Whig  members  were  to 
act  as  intimated  in  the  Democratic  allegation  "they 
would  better  deserve  places  in  the  penitentiary,  than 
seats  in  the  Legislature."  But,  said  he,  "they  are 
constitutional  law  abiding  men,  and  never  have,  and 
never  will  cut  any  such  capers. ' '  If  any  of  the  Whig 
legislators  elect  contemplated  such  action  he  would 
be  pleased  to  receive  their  names,  in  order  that  they 
might  "take  their  stations  among  the  Locofocos 
where  all  disorganizers  more  properly  belonged  ".n 

The  meeting  of  the  First  General  Assembly  of  the 
new  State  of  Iowa  at  Iowa  City  on  November  30, 
1846,  drew  to  the  seat  of  government  a  great  number 
of  people  from  all  parts  of  the  State.  ' i  The  taverns 
and  all  the  private  boarding  houses  are  crowded  to 
overflowing ",  was  the  statement  of  a  local  editor. 
"Some  have  come  hither  to  enjoy  a  few  gala  days 
with  their  friends  in  the  legislature,  and  to  see  the 
wheels  of  the  new  government  set  in  motion;  but 
from  the  Senatorial  and  Judge-like  faces,  which  meet 
us  at  every  turn,  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that 
nearly  half  of  the  lobby  members  are  aspirants  to 
seats  in  the  United  States  Senate,  or  on  the  Supreme 
Bench  of  Iowa,  or  the  influential  friends  of  those 
who  aspire  to  put  on  the  Senatorial  robe,  or  the 
ermine  of  Justice."12 

Both  parties  held  early  caucuses.    Although  no 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         23 

records  have  been  found,  the  Whigs  seem  to  have 
determined  upon  Jonathan  McCarty  and  Gilbert  C. 
E.  Mitchell;  while  Judge  Thomas  S.  Wilson  and 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  were  the  choice  of  the 
Democrats.13 

On  Saturday,  December  5,  1846,  Irad  C.  Day 
moved  a  resolution  that  the  two  houses  should  meet 
at  two  o'clock  on  the  following  Monday  for  the 
purpose  of  electing  United  States  Senators.  On 
Monday  morning  the  resolution  was  read  a  second 
time,  and  after  some  discussion  a  substitute  resolu- 
tion was  adopted  providing  for  a  joint  convention 
on  December  llth,  to  elect  three  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  and  two  United  States  Senators.14 
In  the  Senate  this  resolution  was  amended  by 
striking  out  all  that  part  which  related  to  the 
election  of  Judges.15  The  House  refused  to  concur 
in  the  Senate's  amendments;  the  Senate  insisted; 
and  the  House  stood  firm  on  disagreeing.  A 
committee  of  conference  was  appointed  by  each 
house;  but  all  to  no  purpose.  Affairs  seemed  at  a 
standstill.  "We  can  form  no  idea  when  the  election 
will  take  place",  complained  a  Whig  editor,  "prob- 
ably not  until  most  of  the  candidates  shall  have  left 
for  'Home  sweet  Home/  "16 

The  refusal  of  the  Democratic  Senate  to  accede 
to  the  wishes  of  the  Whig  House  elicited  bitter 
criticism  from  the  Whig  press.  The  charge  which 
a  month  earlier  the  Democrats  had  been  making 
against  the  Whigs  was  now  applied  to  the  Locofocos 
in  the  legislature.  "We  understand  that  the  Loco- 


24  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

focos  have  broken  up  in  their  caucuses  more  than 
once",  asserted  one  editor,  "because  'Caesar  was 
ambitious'  to  go  to  Washington  and  take  a  seat  in 
the  U.  S.  Senate."  This  was  a  slap  at  Augustus 
Caesar  Dodge  and  his  friends  who  were  charged  with 
sacrificing  the  best  interests  of  the  State  to  the 
ambitions  of  one  man.  "It  will  take  more  time  and 
talent  ....  than  all  the  Locofoco  Senate  has", 
continued  the  writer,  "to  convince  the  people  that 
there  is  any  good  reason  for  the  delay,  or  any 
necessity  for  holding  more  than  one  session  to  elect 
five  officers".17 

In  the  midst  of  these  proceedings,  when  the 
atmosphere  was  already  overcharged  with  excite- 
ment, a  new  sensation  was  caused  by  the  exposure 
of  an  attempt  at  bribery.  Shortly  after  two  o'clock 
on  the  afternoon  of  December  9,  1846,  Nelson  King, 
member  from  Keokuk  County,  rose  in  his  place  in 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives  and  announced  that 
since  taking  his  seat  in  the  House  he  had  been 
approached  by  several  persons  in  regard  to  casting 
his  vote  for  United  States  Senator  "and  that  several 
distinct  propositions  of  money  and  other  reward  had 
been  offered  him,  if  he  would  vote  for  General  Dodge 
for  Senator,  or  J.  C.  Hall,  or  either  of  them,  as  may 
or  might  be  determined  upon".  He  was  assured,  he 
said,  that  he  would  be  secure  "from  all  blame  or 
suspicion, ' '  since  he  would  be  furnished  with  written 
instructions  from  his  constituents  telling  him  how  to 
vote.  Furthermore,  he  stated  that  Samuel  T. 
Marshall  of  Lee  County  "gave  him  a  five  dollar  note 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         25 

on  the  State  Bank  of  Ohio  ....  and  told  him 
to  call  on  him  at  any  future  time  and  he  would  give 
him  one  hundred  dollars,  or  any  amount  he  wanted  ", 
and  that  he  had  been  informed  that  the  money  was 
from  Augustus  C.  Dodge.  Finally,  King  asserted 
that  Marshall  had  given  him  two  receipts  for  per- 
sonal indebtedness.18 

A  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  investigate 
the  charge  of  bribery  and  was  given  full  power  to 
send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  was  authorized  to  issue  his  warrant  for 
the  arrest  of  S.  T.  Marshall.  A  resolution  was 
introduced  thanking  Nelson  King  "for  his  honest, 
high-minded  and  patriotic  conduct "  in  announcing 
the  attempt  at  bribery  to  secure  his  vote  for  Demo- 
cratic Senators.19 

In  the  discomfiture  of  the  Democrats  at  King's 
startling  announcement  the  Whigs  found  a  soothing 
balm  for  their  own  wounded  feelings.  The  attempt  at 
bribery  and  corruption  furnished  Whig  newspaper 
men  with  abundant  material  for  columns  of  scathing 
denunciation  and  stinging  satire.  It  seems  that  in  ad- 
dition to  the  offers  of  money,  Marshall  had  promised 
King  they  would  make  a  gentleman  of  him  if  he 
would  vote  for  Dodge.  '  '  Marshall 's  idea  of  a  gentle- 
man must  be  fine  clothes  and  'lots'  of  cash  —  Dodge 
cash",  satirized  the  editor  of  a  Bloomington  paper. 
"Here  we  see,  the  promise,  on  the  part  of  Marshall, 
of  money,  office ;  and  above  all  something  that  should 
make  a  gentleman  of  Mr.  King.  The  voting  for 
Dodge  and  receiving  a  bribe  to  do  so  constituted  a 


26  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

locofoco's  idea  of  a  gentleman!"  Augustus  Caesar 
Dodge  again  came  in  for  his  share  of  Whig  attention. 
"Augustus  Caesar  Dodge !"  continued  the  same  edi- 
tor, "any  other  name  would  make  just  as  nice  a  man ; 
but  it  would  not  sound  half  so  big  —  Peter  Pelliken, 
for  instance,  would  not  sound  half  as  sonorous,  nor 
as  Roman  like,  yet,  Peter  Pelliken  might  belong  in 
reality  to  a  greater  man  than  S.  T.  Marshall  or  his 
patron  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge.  "20 

Further  evidence  of  Locofoco  manipulation  to 
secure  votes  for  Democratic  Senators  was  brought 
out  early  in  the  progress  of  the  King  investigation. 
This  time  it  was  two  of  the  much  sought  after  Lee 
County  Independents  who  were  the  objects  of 
attack,  by  a  certain  William  Patterson21  of  their  own 
county,  as  is  shown  by  the  following  affidavit : 

I  do  hereby  certify,  that  on  Tuesday,  December,  2d, 
1846,  I  was  authorized  by  Col.  William  Patterson,  of  Lee 
county,  Iowa,  to  offer  to  Josiah  Clifton  and  Reuben  Con- 
lee  each  the  use  of  one  hundred  dollars  for  ninety  nine  years 
if  desired,  without  interest,  if  they  would  give  their  votes  in 
an  election  then  about  to  come  on,  for  United  States  Sena- 
tors in  the  General  Assembly  for  such  a  man,  or  men,  as  the 
said  Colonel  William  Patterson,  would  name,  for  the  office 
of  United  States  Senator.  Also,  I  was  authorized  by  Col. 
Patterson  and  Silas  Haight  to  offer  Josiah  Clifton,  individ- 
ually, on  their  own  part  and  the  part  of  their  associates,  to 
enter  into  a  bond  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  if  necessary,  to 
secure  him  an  appointment  in  the  Land  Office  as  Register  or 
Receiver ;  providing,  he  would  vote  for  men  for  the  United 
States  Senate,  whom  they  would  name.  .  .  . 

JOHNSON  C.  CHAPMAN.22 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         27 

While  the  excitement  caused  by  the  exposure  of 
bribery  and  corruption  was  still  at  its  height, 
each  branch  of  the  General  Assembly  maneuvered 
to  secure  a  joint  convention  upon  terms  which 
accorded  with  the  wishes  of  their  respective  majori- 
ties. The  Democrats  in  the  Senate  insisted  on 
choosing  the  Senators  before  going  into  an  election 
for  Judges;  while  the  Whig  Eepresentatives  were 
equally  determined  that  the  Judges  should  be 
selected  first,  and  that  both  Senators  and  Judges 
should  be  chosen  during  the  same  joint  session.23 
The  Whigs  gave  as  the  reason  for  their  position  that 
the  Supreme  Court  should  convene  on  the  first  of 
January,  and  that  it  was  therefore  necessary  that  the 
Judges  should  be  elected  as  early  as  possible.  They 
were  not  willing,  however,  to  attribute  honorable 
motives  to  their  opponents.  "  There  is  another 
potent  reason  for  electing  the  Supreme  Judges 
first";  wrote  Eastin  Morris  in  an  Iowa  City  paper, 
"and  that  is,  that  many  of  their  opponents  are 
furiously  opposed  to  it.  They  must  have  a  party 
reason  for  contending  so  strenuously  for  the  election 
of  Senators  first.  They  imagine  that  it  would  enable 
them  to  gain  some  party  advantage.  Seeing  this, 
the  Whigs  have  a  right  to  thwart  their  schemes.  "24 

However,  when  the  legislature  had  been  in  ses- 
sion three  weeks  and  the  prospect  of  an  agreement 
seemed  as  distant  as  ever,  the  Whigs  were  ready  to 
recede  from  their  uncompromising  position  and 
make  concessions  to  the  Locofocos.  On  December 
14,  1846,  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  to  the  effect 


28  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

that  that  body  would  proceed  to  the  hall  of  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives  for  the  purpose  of  choosing 
Supreme  Court  Judges,  as  soon  after  the  election  of 
Senators  as  the  House  might  agree  upon.25  This 
proposition  met  with  reluctant  favor  in  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives  where  on  December  16th  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  stating  that  the  House  would  be 
prepared  to  receive  the  Senate  on  December  18th 
and  19th  for  the  election  of  Senators  and  Judges 
respectively.26  The  resolution  providing  for  the 
election  of  Senators  received  a  few  unimportant 
amendments  in  the  Senate,  was  passed  by  a  vote  of 
twelve  to  seven,27  and  was  returned  to  the  House 
where  the  Senate  amendments  were  concurred  in  by 
a  vote  of  thirty-eight  to  one.28  The  resolution  as 
finally  passed  not  only  specified  the  time  of  choosing 
United  States  Senators,  but  went  into  some  detail  in 
prescribing  the  manner  in  which  the  election  should 
be  conducted.29 

On  Friday  morning,  December  18,  1846,  the  two 
houses  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Iowa  met  for  the 
first  time  in  joint  convention  for  the  election  of 
United  States  Senators.  The  Old  Stone  Capitol  was 
the  scene  of  unwonted  animation.  Leading  poli- 
ticians from  all  parts  of  the  State,  interested  in  the 
outcome  of  the  senatorial  contest,  had  been  in  Iowa 
City  since  the  assembling  of  the  legislature,  and 
they,  of  course,  were  present  in  full  force.  Besides 
those  vitally  interested,  the  building  doubtless  held 
others  drawn  thither  by  idle  curiosity  or  the  pros- 
pect of  an  exciting  session.30 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         29 

At  half  past  eleven  the  members  of  the 
Senate,  preceded  by  their  president,  secretary,  and 
sergeant-at-arms,  filed  into  the  crowded  hall  of 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives  and  took  the  seats 
assigned  to  them  by  Speaker  Jesse  B.  Browne,  who 
acted  as  president  of  the  convention.  Silas  A. 
Hudson,  Chief  Clerk  of  the  House,  as  secretary  of 
the  convention,  read  the  roll  of  the  General  Assembly 
and  every  member  answered  to  his  name.  Thomas 
H.  Benton,  Jr.  of  the  Senate,  and  G.  W.  Bowie  of 
the  House  were  then  appointed  tellers  and  the  voting 
for  Senator  commenced.31 

No  doubt  deep  silence  reigned  over  the  crowded 
hall  as  Silas  A.  Hudson  began  to  read  the  alpha- 
betical list  of  members,  and  each  in  turn  cast  his 
ballot  for  the  man  of  his  choice.  When  the  last  name 
had  been  called  and  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was 
found  that  Jonathan  McCarty,  the  Whig  candidate, 
had  received  twenty-nine  votes;  while  Thomas  S. 
Wilson,  the  Democratic  nominee,  had  only  twenty- 
eight  votes.  Senator  Huner  and  Eepresentatives 
Clifton  and  Conlee,  the  doubtful  members  from  Lee 
County,  voted  for  McCarty,  but  to  the  surprise  of 
all,  Senator  Fullenwider  of  Des  Moines  County,  a 
staunch  Whig,  cast  his  ballot  for  Gilbert  C.  E. 
Mitchell.32  Thirty  votes  were  necessary  to  elect,  and 
therefore  Samuel  Fullenwider 's  failure  to  vote  with 
his  Whig  brethren  was  the  means  of  defeating 
McCarty. 

When  the  result  was  announced  the  excitement 
which  had  been  suppressed  during  the  balloting 


30  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

burst  all  bounds  and  a  lively  scene  ensued.  The 
president  scarcely  had  time  to  declare  that  there  was 
no  election,  and  to  put  the  question,  "Will  the  Con- 
vention proceed  to  a  second  balloting  ?",  before  an 
excited  Locofoco  moved  to  adjourn.  The  Democrats 
saw  very  clearly  that  if  a  second  ballot  were  taken 
and  Samuel  Fullenwider  should  vote  for  McCarty 
their  own  candidate  would  be  defeated.  l  i  The  locos 
were  in  a  fix",  wrote  an  eye  witness  of  the  proceed- 
ings. "As  Legislators  and  Senatorial  electors  they 
were  bound  to  proceed  with  the  election.  But  as 
locofocos  they  were  bound  to  stave  it  off,  regardless 
of  consequences,  and  they  did  not  hesitate.  Motion 
after  motion  was  made  to  adjourn.  The  ayes  and 
noes  were  taken  alternately  to  adjourn  the  Con- 
vention, for  the  sole  purpose  of  preventing  a  second 
balloting,  and  as  often  decided  in  the  negative. ' '  A 
motion  to  the  effect  that  all  motions  to  adjourn 
should  be  considered  out  of  order  until  after  another 
ballot  had  been  cast  met  with  furious  opposition,  and 
the  president  declined  to  decide  the  question.  Mo- 
tions to  adjourn  indefinitely  or  to  certain  days  were 
made  in  such  rapid  succession  that  it  was  often 
difficult  to  determine  which  was  entitled  to  recog- 
nition. The  Democratic  Senators  threatened  to 
leave  the  convention,  "and  they  were  upon  the  point 
of  marching ",  continued  the  narrator,  "when  Dr. 
Davis  requested  a  parley,  and  appealed  to  the 
Convention  to  let  them  retire  with  the  consent  of  the 
Convention.  At  this  critical  stage  of  the  row,  Mr. 
Benton,  of  Dubuque,  left  the  Clerk's  desk  where  he 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         31 

had  been  employed  as  one  of  the  tellers,  and  appealed 
to  the  Convention  in  a  mild,  gentlemanly  and 
plausible  manner  to  save  the  reputation  of  the 
Legislature,  and  to  let  the  Senate  retire  with  the 
consent  of  the  Convention.  His  speech  had  a  tran- 
quilizing  effect,  and  Messrs.  Clifton  and  Conlee, 
independents,  voted  in  favor  of  an  adjournment 
until  the  5th  of  January  next."33  The  motion  to 
adjourn  carried  by  a  vote  of  thirty  to  twenty-eight, 
and  the  Senate  retired  to  its  own  chamber.34  On  the 
following  day  the  General  Assembly  adjourned  to 
meet  again  on  January  4,  1847. 

Again  Whig  newspapers  teemed  with  abusive 
editorials  and  condemnatory  articles  directed 
against  their  opponents  for  preventing  an  election 
of  United  States  Senators.  The  Locofocos  were 
charged  with  fighting  under  the  motto : 

He  that  fights  and  runs  away, 
May  live  to  fight  another  day; 
But  he  that  is  in  battle  slain 
May  never  live  to  fight  again  !35 

1  'The  understanding  out  of  doors  is,  that  there 
will  be  no  election  during  the  present  session",  ran 
the  complaint  in  the  columns  of  an  Iowa  City  paper. 
"The  leading  locofocos  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that 
unless  they  can  elect  their  men,  they  are  determined 
to  stave  off  the  election  until  there  is  another  General 
Assembly."  "Will  the  people  of  Iowa  sanction  this 
procedure?"  demanded  the  editor.  "Will  they  to 
gratify  the  whims  of  a  few  office  holders,  and  office- 
seekers,  consent  that  Iowa  shall  be  unrepresented 


32  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  two  years? — 
when  the  nation  is  at  war  —  when  the  questions  of 
protection  of  American  labor  and  American  manu- 
factures are  at  stake  —  and  when  a  system  of 
Internal  Improvement,  of  our  Eivers  and  Harbors, 
is  about  to  be  sacrificed  at  the  shrine  of  party,  they 
will  not,  they  can  not,  and  we  are  almost  tempted  to 
say,  they  dare  not."36 

The  recess  of  the  General  Assembly  was  a  period 
of  scheming  and  intrigue  on  the  part  of  the  as- 
pirants for  the  senatorships.  It  appears  that  after 
the  deadlock  and  consequent  failure  to  elect  on 
December  18th,  Jacob  Huner,  the  independent  Demo- 
cratic Senator  from  Lee  County,  decided  that  he 
would  enter  the  lists.  He  confided  his  intention  to 
his  fellow  partizan,  Josiah  Clifton.  The  third  mem- 
ber of  the  independent  trio  from  Lee  County,  Eeuben 
Conlee,  had  died  on  December  23rd,  and  so  Huner 
and  Clifton  now  held  the  balance  of  power  on  joint 
ballot.  Thus  they  hoped,  by  promising  to  go  over  to 
the  Democratic  camp,  to  induce  the  Locofocos  to 
nominate  Huner  in  place  of  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge. 
The  Democrats,  however,  refused  to  fall  in  with  this 
proposition,  although  they  seem  to  have  offered  to 
substitute  Ver  Planck  Van  Antwerp  for  Dodge,  who 
was  particularly  displeasing  to  Huner.37  It  was 
secretly  intimated  a  little  later  that  Judge  Thomas 
S.  Wilson  had  been  somewhat  involved  in  the  at- 
tempt to  drop  Dodge.38 

The  Whigs  were  also  active  during  these  two 
weeks.  "The  whigs",  wrote  ex-Governor  James 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         33 

Clarke  to  Laurel  Summers,  "were  ready  to  bargain 
with  any  one  who  could  bring  them  votes  enough  to 
elect  their  man ;  they  approached  the  friends  of  Gen. 
Dodge  repeatedly  with  offers  of  this  kind,  but  were 
in  every  instance  within  my  knowledge  repulsed. 
That  Judge  Wilson  and  his  friends  have  been  tried 
in  the  same  way  I  doubt  nof '.  Milton  D.  Browning, 
a  Whig  Senator  from  Des  Moines  County,  intimated 
the  writer,  was  endeavoring  "to  concoct  a  bargain 
for  his  own  benefit  with  northern  democrats.  "39 

The  legislature  reassembled  in  the  Old  Stone 
Capitol  on  January  4,  1847,  and  on  the  following 
morning  the  Senate  was  informed  that  the  House 
would  be  prepared  to  receive  the  Senators  in  joint 
convention  at  two  o'clock  that  afternoon  for  the 
purpose  of  electing  two  United  States  Senators.40 
Two  o'clock  came,  but  no  Senators  appeared  in  the 
hall  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives ;  and  again  the 
chief  clerk  was  sent  to  remind  them  that  the  hour 
for  the  joint  convention  had  arrived.41  The  sum- 
mons passed  unheeded.  The  Democratic  majority 
in  the  Senate,  seeing  no  possibility  of  electing  Loco- 
focos,  was  determined  to  carry  out  its  threat  and 
prevent  an  election. 

"What  will  be  the  next  move  of  the  *  democracy,' 
or  whether  they  will  move  at  all,  no  whig  can  tell", 
commented  a  Whig  editor.  "The  whigs  have  done 
their  duty  from  the  beginning,  and  will  throw  the 
responsibility  of  the  failure  to  elect,  upon  the  loco- 
f ocos,  with  a  force  which  will  cause  a  mighty  shaking 
of  the  dry  bones  of  Polkery  at  the  next  election."42 


34  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

As  day  after  day  passed  even  the  most  optimistic 
lost  hope  of  electing  United  States  Senators.  Reso- 
lutions were  passed  by  the  House,  but  to  no  purpose. 
The  Senate  would  not  concur.  The  embittered 
feeling  which  existed  between  the  two  parties  re- 
ceived expression  when,  on  the  evening  of  February 
24,  1847,  S.  B.  Olmstead,  a  Democratic  member  of 
the  House,  arose  and  offered  the  following  reso- 
lution : 

Whereas,  it  is  believed  on  all  hands  that  a  large  majority 
of  the  people  of  Iowa  are  democratic  in  their  politics,  and 
approve  of  the  policies  and  measures  of  the  General  Admin- 
istration. And  whereas,  owing  to  the  condition  of  parties 
in  the  Legislature,  it  is  out  of  the  power  of  the  Democratic 
members  to  elect  United  States  Senators,  who  will  fairly 
represent  the  wishes  of  the  people,  and  in  whom  they  have 
confidence.  And  whereas,  we  have  an  abiding  confidence 
that  our  course,  in  refusing  to  permit  the  State  to  be  mis- 
represented in  one  of  the  branches  of  the  National  Legis- 
lature, will  be  sustained  by  the  people ;  therefore 

Resolved,  That  we  unanimously  resign  our  seats  as  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Provided  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  will  do  the  same. 

The  Whigs  were  ready  with  a  reply.  Elijah 
Sells  of  Muscatine  County  proposed  the  following 
substitute,  which  together  with  the  original  was 
immediately  laid  on  the  table  : 

Whereas,  a  majority  of  the  members  of  this  House  have 
been  willing  at  all  times  to  go  into  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators  and  Supreme  Judges.  And  whereas,  the 
people  are  defeated  in  their  Representation  in  the  Senate 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         35 

of  the  United  States,  in  consequence  of  such  refusal  on  the 
part  of  the  loco  foco  members  of  this  General  Assembly; 
therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  those  members,  who  have  defeated  the 
election,  be  requested  to  resign,  in  order  to  enable  the  peo- 
ple to  elect  such  men  as  will  regard  their  oaths  and  do  their 
duty.43 

The  course  of  the  Locofocos  in  the  General 
Assembly  was  the  subject  of  caustic  denunciation  by 
the  Whigs  at  a  large  mass  meeting  held  at  Iowa  City 
on  Washington's  birthday.  Inasmuch  as  the  State 
was  deprived  of  its  representation  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  "by  the  unconstitutional  refusal 
of  the  Locofoco  party  of  Iowa  to  consent  to  an 
election ' ',  they  committed  the  interests  of  the  people 
of  Iowa  ' i  to  the  kind  care,  and  keeping,  of  the  Hon. 
John  J.  Crittenden  of  Kentucky,  and  the  Hon. 
Thomas  Corwin  of  Ohio."44 

Furthermore,  not  all  Democrats  throughout  the 
State  were  willing  to  endorse  the  action  of  their 
representatives  in  the  legislature.  "It  is  perhaps  a 
matter  of  regret",  ran  an  editorial  in  the  columns 
of  a  Locofoco  journal,  "that  any  professing  demo- 
crats should  so  far  lose  sight  of  principles,  no  less 
than  the  expressed  will,  and  interests  of  the  people 
of  [the]  State,  as  to  declare  their  willingness  to  see 
the  democratic  party  in  the  Legislature  assume  the 
responsibility  of  indefinitely  postponing  the  election 
of  United  States  Senators."45 

Late  in  the  session,  after  much  discussion  and 
amendment,  the  legislature  passed  "An  Act  to  pro- 


36  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

vide  for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  and 
other  officers ' ?,46  which  received  the  Governor's 
approval  on  February  23,  1847.  This  law  provided 
for  a  joint  convention  to  be  held  in  the  hall  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  at  the  session  of  the 
General  Assembly  next  preceding  the  expiration  of 
the  term  of  a  United  States  Senator,  or  at  any 
session  when  there  should  be  a  vacancy.  The 
president  of  the  Senate,  or  in  his  absence,  the 
speaker  of  the  House,  was  to  preside  over  the  joint 
convention.  One  teller  was  to  be  appointed  by  each 
house,  and  the  chief  clerk  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives was  to  act  as  secretary  of  the  convention. 
The  names  of  the  members  were  to  be  arranged  in 
alphabetical  order,  and  each  man  was  to  vote  viva 
voce  for  Senator  as  his  name  was  called.  A  majority 
of  the  votes  of  the  members  present  was  necessary 
to  elect.  The  law  further  provided  for  adjourned 
sessions  of  the  joint  convention,  certificates  of  elec- 
tion, credentials,  and  temporary  appointment  by  the 
Governor.  Under  the  rules  thus  prescribed  subse- 
quent elections  of  United  States  Senators  from  Iowa 
were  conducted  for  nearly  twenty  years. 

On  February  25,  1847,  the  First  General  Assem- 
bly adjourned  sine  die,  and  legislators,  lobbyists, 
and  disappointed  office  seekers  departed  for  their 
homes.  Thus  ended  the  first  act  in  the  dramatic 
contest  over  the  election  of  the  first  United  States 
Senators  from  Iowa  with  the  young  Commonwealth 
deprived  of  its  full  share  of  the  first  fruits  of  state- 
hood. 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         37 

During  the  spring  and  summer  of  1847  the 
senatorial  question  seems  to  have  received  little 
attention,  but  late  in  the  fall  there  was  a  sudden 
revival  of  interest,  due  to  rumors  that  Governor 
Briggs  intended  to  call  a  special  session  of  the  legis- 
lature. Speculation  was  rife  as  to  the  probable 
purpose  of  an  extra  session.  "But  a  few  weeks 
since ' ',  was  the  comment  of  a  writer  in  an  Iowa  City 
paper, ' l  the  leading  locof  oco  papers  expressed  them- 
selves adverse  to  the  holding  of  a  session,  and  it  was 
said  by  those  supposed  to  be  in  the  confidence  of  the 
Executive,  that  that  officer  was  immovably  fixed  in 
his  determination  not  to  convene  the  General  As- 
sembly. All  of  a  sudden,  however,  the  organs  of 
locof ocoism  changed  their  tune,  and  what  before  was 
unwise  and  impolitic,  is  now  become  the  height  of 
wisdom,  and  demanded  by  the  best  interests  of  the 
people.  .  .  .  What  sudden  danger  threatens  the 
people  of  Iowa,  that  their  Solons  are  suddenly  called 
from  their  homes,  and  summoned  to  the  capitol?"47 

Among  the  Whigs  there  was  a  disposition  to 
attribute  the  abrupt  change  in  Governor  Briggs 's 
policy  to  the  condition  of  affairs  at  Washington. 
Outside  pressure  was  believed  to  have  been  brought 
to  bear  on  the  Governor.  President  Polk  had  gone 
into  office  in  1845,  after  one  of  the  most  closely  con- 
tested elections  in  the  history  of  this  country,  and 
his  unpopular  war  with  Mexico  had  brought  down 
upon  him  the  most  violent  criticism.  In  the  Congress 
soon  to  assemble  it  was  certain  that  the  Whigs 
would  have  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 


38  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

tives ;  while  in  the  Senate  the  Democrats  might  also 
be  in  the  minority  if  John  C.  Calhoun  and  his  follow- 
ers should  act  in  accordance  with  their  votes  at  the 
preceding  session.  In  this  precarious  state  of  his 
fortunes  President  Polk  had  need  of  all  possible 
assistance,  and  it  was  claimed  by  the  Whigs  that  he 
had  demanded  help  from  Iowa  through  the  election 
of  two  Democratic  Senators,  and  that  this  was  the 
reason  for  the  extra  session  of  the  legislature.48 

Candidates  for  the  senatorship  appeared  in  all 
parts  of  the  State  as  soon  as  the  probability  of  a 
special  session  became  known.  "  There  is  scarce  a 
town  or  village  in  the  State  which  does  not  hold  some 
one,  who  is  amply  qualified,  in  his  own  estimation, 
to  represent  the  State  in  the  above  named  capacity", 
was  the  statement  of  a  Bloomington  editor.  In 
Dubuque  alone  he  declared  there  were  no  less  than 
nine  candidates,  "all  Locos  of  course."  In  Lee 
County,  continued  the  editor,  "every  bar-room 
shanty,  or  other  place  of  resort,  is  rife  with  specu- 
lations as  to  who  the  fortunate  persons  will  be  on 
whom  the  choice  of  the  Legislature  will  fall.  This 
one  says,  ' Dodge,' — 'Van  Antwerp'  that  —  another 
one  says  —  *  Wilson,'  Mason,  Hall,  Williams,  Hemp- 
stead  and  Benton  —  all  are  spoken  of  —  they  must 
be  fed;  And  so  too  must,  'Old  Red.'  "  But  if  "Old 
Eed"  should  decide  to  go  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  the  writer  declared,  "we  say  to  all  those 
1  lesser  lights,'  get  out  of  the  way  —  the  engine  is 
coming.  "49 

On  December  3,  1847,  Governor  Ansel  Briggs 


THE  FIKST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         39 

issued  a  proclamation  calling  a  special  session  of  the 
General  Assembly  to  meet  at  the  capitol  at  Iowa  City 
on  Monday,  January  3,  1848.50  To  the  people  of  the 
thriving  little  capital  city  the  advent  of  the  legis- 
lature meant  not  only  a  season  of  pleasure  and 
entertainment,  but  also  a  substantial  increase  in  the 
business  of  the  town.  The  keepers  of  inns  and 
lodging  houses  were  especially  pleased  with  the 
prospect  and  began  early  to  make  preparations  for 
the  accommodation  of  their  guests.51 

It  was  generally  conceded  that  the  chief  object  of 
the  extra  session  was  the  election  of  United  States 
Senators,  and  the  Whigs  were  given  early  admoni- 
tion as  to  the  course  they  should  pursue,  through  the 
columns  of  a  leading  Whig  journal.  They  should, 
declared  the  editor,  "without  hesitation,  meet  in 
convention  and  perform  their  sworn  constitutional 
duty,  in  the  election  of  two  United  States  Senators 
and  three  Supreme  Judges.  The  constitution  says 
they  shall  elect,  and  if  no  elections  shall  take  place 
let  the  responsibility  of  a  failure  continue  to  rest 
upon  the  locofoco  members."  If  it  were  found  that 
no  Whig  could  be  elected,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
Whigs  to  unite  with  the  conservative  Locofocos  and 
endeavor  to  elect  "two  respectable  democrats"  who 
were  opposed  to  the  tariff  of  1846  and  the  war  with 
Mexico,  and  who  favored  the  Wilmot  Proviso  and 
internal  improvements  at  the  expense  of  the  general 
government.  "There  is  a  blue  and  a  better  blue," 
was  the  prudent  advice,  '  '  and  a  half  a  cake  is  better 
than  no  bread."52 


40  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

The  General  Assembly  convened  in  extra  session 
on  Monday,  January  3,  1848.  The  first  day  was 
consumed  in  effecting  an  organization.  Caucuses 
were  doubtless  held  by  both  parties ;  but  the  record 
has  apparently  been  lost,  and  there  is  little,  indeed, 
to  indicate  who  were  the  most  prominent  candidates 
for  the  senator  ships  at  any  time  during  the  session. 
Judge  Thomas  S.  Wilson  and  Augustus  Caesar 
Dodge  seem  to  have  been  the  favorites  among  the 
Democrats,  while  the  Whigs  seem  to  have  centered 
their  efforts  on  defeating  their  opponents  without 
strongly  advocating  any  candidates.53 

All  hope  of  the  election  of  Senators  soon  faded 
away  in  a  bitter  controversy  over  the  right  of  certain 
Democratic  members  of  either  house,  but  more  espe- 
cially of  the  Senate,  to  retain  their  seats.  In  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives  on  January  4, 1848,  it  was 
announced  that  John  N.  Kinsman,  the  Eepresenta- 
tive  from  the  counties  of  Marion,  Polk,  Dallas,  and 
Jasper,  was  not  entitled  to  his  seat,  because  he 
had  during  the  preceding  February  resigned  and 
removed  from  the  district  which  he  claimed  to 
represent.54  In  the  Senate  on  the  following  day  a 
similar  charge  was  preferred  against  Senator  James 
Davis,  and  the  right  of  Thomas  Baker  and  John  M. 
Whitaker  to  represent  their  respective  districts  was 
questioned  on  the  ground  that  each  had  since  his 
election  accepted  a  lucrative  office.55  In  each  case  a 
committee  of  three  was  appointed  and  given  full 
power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers  and  to  investi- 
gate the  facts. 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         41 

The  committee  appointed  to  investigate  the  case 
of  John  N.  Kinsman  reported  to  the  House  without 
recommendation,  and  after  much  discussion  by  a 
strict  party  vote  the  seat  was  declared  vacant  on 
January  21,  1848.56  In  the  Senate,  however,  the 
Democrats  were  in  the  majority;  and  so  Davis, 
Baker,  and  Whitaker  were  all  allowed  to  retain  their 
seats,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  Whigs  who  sub- 
mitted minority  reports  and  entered  solemn  protests 
on  the  journal.57 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  Whigs  had  some 
justification  for  the  columns  of  censure  which  ap- 
peared in  their  journals,  charging  the  Locofocos  with 
attempting  to  secure  the  election  of  United  States 
Senators  by  the  votes  of  illegal  members  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly.  Kinsman,  Davis,  and  Baker  were 
clearly  not  entitled  to  their  seats  —  the  first  two 
having  resigned  and  having  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses removed  from  the  districts  they  were  chosen 
to  represent,  though  it  was  claimed  that  their  resig- 
nations never  reached  the  Governor;  while  Baker 
was  actually  enjoying  the  benefits  of  a  county  office. 
John  M.  Whitaker,  however,  seems  to  have  had  some 
rightful  claim  to  his  seat,  and  he  was  allowed  to 
remain  in  the  Senate  with  but  little  opposition  from 
the  Whigs. 

Until  John  N.  Kinsman's  seat  was  declared 
vacant  the  Whigs  and  Democrats  were  evenly 
matched  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  each 
party  having  nineteen  votes.  The  balance  of  power 
thus  rested  in  the  hands  of  Josiah  Clifton,  the 


42  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Independent  from  Lee  County,  who  was  the  ob- 
ject of  fulsome  praise  by  the  Whigs  and,  after 
an  unsuccessful  wooing,  of  scathing  denunciation  by 
the  Democrats.  It  was  stated  that  previous  to  the 
meeting  of  the  legislature  Clifton  had  been  ap- 
proached by  the  Democrats  and  asked  to  write  to 
Governor  Briggs  promising  to  vote  to  go  into  a  joint 
convention  for  the  election  of  United  States  Sena- 
tors. He  was  assured,  ran  the  account,  that  each 
house  would  be  purged  of  all  illegal  members,  and 
that  he  would  not  be  acting  contrary  to  the  wishes  of 
his  constituents,  whom  he  considered  as  opposed  to 
the  election  of  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge.  With  this 
understanding  Clifton  appears  to  have  made  some 
sort  of  a  pledge  to  the  Governor.  But  when  the 
legislature  assembled,  and  it  was  found  that  the 
Senate  allowed  Davis  and  Baker  to  retain  their 
seats,  Clifton  sided  with  the  Whigs  and,  to  use  the 
words  of  a  Keokuk  editor,  "like  an  independent  and 
honest  man"  refused  to  vote  to  go  into  an  election.58 
The  Democrats,  disappointed  at  their  failure  to 
draw  Clifton  into  their  camp,  could  scarcely  find 
words  strong  enough  to  express  their  contempt  for 
him.  "For  after  a  Member,  of  his  own  free  will, 
without  any  solicitation  from  any  quarter,  has  sol- 
emnly pledged  in  writing  to  the  Governor,  to  cast 
his  vote  for  a  joint  convention,  without  any  qualify- 
ing provision",  was  the  comment  of  a  violently 
partisan  Locofoco  editor  at  Dubuque,  "and  after  the 
session  is  called,  makes  another  di[s]tinct  pledge  to 
the  Representatives,  and  then  repeatedly  and  wil- 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         43 

fully  refuses  to  discharge  his  obligations ;  he  has  no 
claim  to  public  confidence,  nor  should  his  friends 
object  to  any  title,  which  may,  so  far  as  a  name  can, 
exhibit  to  the  public  his  true  character."59 

As  has  been  suggested  the  Whigs,  with  the  aid  of 
Josiah  Clifton,  had  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, and  thus  were  able  to  persist  in  their 
refusal  to  go  into  joint  convention  as  long  as  there 
were  illegal  members  in  the  Senate.  Time  after  time 
resolutions  providing  for  a  joint  convention  were 
adopted  in  each  branch  of  the  legislature ;  but  since 
the  House  refused  to  meet  while  James  Davis  and 
Thomas  Baker  retained  their  seats  and  the  Senate 
declined  to  declare  those  seats  vacant,  the  days 
passed  by  and  nothing  was  done.  The  General 
Assembly  adjourned  on  January  25,  1848,  without 
accomplishing  the  most  important  objects  for  which 
the  extra  session  had  been  called.  Partisan  politics 
and  personal  jealousy  had  for  a  second  time  pre- 
vented the  election  of  United  States  Senators. 

Whether  in  this  instance  the  Whigs  or  the  Demo- 
crats were  the  most  to  blame  is  perhaps  an  even 
question.  Both  parties  exhibited  a  reprehensible 
readiness  to  sacrifice  public  interest  at  the  shrine  of 
party  welfare.  If,  as  seems  to  be  the  case,  the  Demo- 
crats permitted  two  illegal  members  to  retain  their 
seats  in  the  Senate,  the  Whigs  perhaps  had  some 
justification  according  to  the  ethics  of  politics  for 
their  refusal  to  go  into  joint  convention.  "Loco- 
focoism  in  Iowa  had  culminated ",  was  the  post- 
session  observation  of  a  Whig  editor,  "and,  the 


44  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

tremendous  influences  of  patronage  and  power  were 
put  in  requisition  to  stay  its  rapid  and  total  declina- 
tion. His,  is  entitled  to  the  name  of  a  happy  genius, 
who  suggested  the  idea  of  a  special  session,  as  a  prop 
to  a  desperate  and  sinking  cause.  Its  result  has 
been,  to  exhibit  to  what  expedients  political  as- 
pirants will  resort  to  accomplish  an  end."60 

Interest  in  the  senatorial  contest  did  not  wholly 
subside  during  the  early  months  of  1848,  for  it  was 
realized  that  in  December  a  new  General  Assembly 
would  convene  and  in  all  probability  the  long  con 
tinued  dead-lock  would  be  broken.  At  the  August 
election  the  Democrats  rallied  to  the  polls  in  full 
force,  and  not  only  elected  their  entire  State  ticket 
but  secured  a  substantial  majority  in  both  branches 
of  the  legislature.  The  hopes  of  Locof oco  aspirants 
for  senatorial  honors  rose  accordingly.  "With  the 
aid  of  Gen.  Taylor's  popularity ",  exulted  a  Demo- 
cratic editor,  "the  whigs  have  succeeded,  at  the  last 
election,  in  securing  to  themselves  the  loss  of  both 
houses  of  the  legislature  —  thus  magnanimously  giv- 
ing to  the  Democracy  both  of  the  United  States 
senators."61 

Many  weeks  before  the  opening  of  the  General 
Assembly  Democratic  candidates  for  the  senator- 
ships  traversed  the  State  in  the  effort  to  create 
public  sentiment  and  enlist  the  interest  of  legislators 
in  their  behalf.  The  Whigs,  hopelessly  in  the  mi- 
nority, apparently  took  little  part  in  the  campaign. 
Between  rival  candidates  in  the  Democratic  party, 
however,  a  sharp  contest  was  waged.  Augustus 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         45 

Caesar  Dodge  was  again  the  favorite  with  the  people 
of  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  although  he  was 
not  without  some  opposition.  "Hall  &  Co.  are  mov- 
ing Heaven  &  Earth  to  defeat  my  election  to  the 
Senate ' ',  wrote  Dodge  to  a  friend.  ' '  Hall  and  Judge 
Kinney  are  both,  I  am  informed,  from  the  best 
authority,  candidates  for  the  Senate.  The  former 
electioneers  upon  my  demerits  —  the  length  of  time 
I  have  been  in  office  —  the  money  I  have  received. ' >62 
In  the  northern  section  Judge  Thomas  S.  Wilson  was 
once  more  a  promising  candidate,  but  a  new  star  had 
appeared  in  the  person  of  George  W.  Jones  of 
Dubuque,  formerly  Delegate  to  Congress  from  the 
Territory  of  Wisconsin.  Between  these  two  men 
there  began  a  bitter  contest  which  not  only  added 
excitement  to  this  particular  campaign,  but  was  con- 
tinued with  growing  intensity  throughout  many 
subsequent  years. 

The  legislature  assembled  for  the  second  regular 
session  on  December  4, 1848.  On  the  following  even- 
ing the  Democratic  members  of  both  houses,  thirty- 
eight  in  all,  met  in  caucus  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives.  After  excluding  from  the  hall  all 
persons  not  qualified  to  remain,  the  roll  was  called 
and  the  caucus  proceeded  to  vote  for  candidates  for 
United  States  Senator.  Each  man  wrote  two  names 
on  his  ballot,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast  was 
necessary  to  nominate.  On  the  first  ballot  Augustus 
Caesar  Dodge  received  every  vote  and  was  duly  de- 
clared a  candidate.  A  second  and  a  third  ballot  were 
then  taken  for  the  remaining  candidate,  but  without 


46  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

success.  On  the  fourth  ballot,  however,  George  W. 
Jones  was  chosen  by  a  vote  of  twenty-eight  to  ten 
over  his  nearest  competitor,  Thomas  S.  Wilson.  The 
other  persons  voted  for  during  the  caucus  were :  Ver 
Planck  Van  Antwerp,  Stephen  Hempstead,  - 
Smith,  Joseph  Williams,  Philip  B.  Bradley,  and 
Charles  Mason.63 

"As  soon  as  the  caucus  adjourned,  after  the  nom- 
ination of  senators",  related  the  secretary  of  the 
caucus  many  years  later,  "General  Jones,  who  was 
present,  in  his  usual  impulsive  and  generous  manner, 
cried  out,  'Come,  boys  —  friends,  everybody  —  let's 
go  and  have  some  refreshments.'  .  .  .  Being  of 
the  refreshment  class  myself,  I  proceeded  to  hunt  up 
that  establishment.  I  found  it  located  on  the  north- 
east corner  of  the  public  square,  and  to  be  what  was 
then  called  a  first-class  restaurant,  with  whiskey- 
shop  in  connection.  As  a  matter  of  course,  as  the 
invitation  was  general,  the  crowd  was  not  very  select. 
Friends,  foes,  old  men,  young  men,  members  of  the 
legislature  and  lobbyists,  boys,  gamblers  —  in  short, 
every  class  was  represented,  from  the  governor  of 
the  state  down  to  the  rag-tag  and  bob-tail  of  the 
city." 

Candidate  Jones  urged  the  crowd  to  call  for  any- 
thing they  wanted,  and  in  emphatic  language  ex- 
pressed his  supreme  disregard  for  expenses.  He 
was  taken  at  his  word;  some  called  "for  stewed 
oysters  and  some  for  raw  ones,  some  for  '  whiskey 
straight'  and  others  for  hot  toddy  and  'Tom  and 
Jerry.'  "  With  singing  and  uproarious  noise  the 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         47 

celebration  continued.  It  was  suddenly  discovered 
that  Dodge  was  not  present,  and  a  committee  was 
despatched  to  find  him.  When  he  appeared  upon 
the  scene  he  apparently  did  not  approve  of  the  pro- 
ceeding for  he  declared  to  Jones  that  "this  looks 
more  like  an  entertainment  for  the  rabble  than  for 
friends,  and,  besides,  this  eating  of  oysters  out  of 
the  can,  with  every  one  with  a  can  in  his  hand  is  a 
fearful  waste  of  raw  material."  Dodge's  remon- 
strances were  in  vain,  however,  "and  the  result  was 
a  bill  of  between  four  and  five  hundred  dollars  for 
Dodge  and  Jones  to  foot  the  next  day."64 

No  faithful  chronicler  has  made  public  the  record 
of  the  Whig  caucus,  if  any  there  was,  but  it  is  evident 
that  the  Whigs  in  the  legislature  agreed  to  give  the 
empty  compliment  of  their  support  to  William  H. 
Wallace  and  Ealph  P.  Lowe.  Whether  there  were 
other  prominent  candidates  for  the  nomination  is 
not  known. 

Since  the  Democrats  had  a  majority  of  sixteen 
in  the  House  and  a  majority  of  three  in  the  Senate, 
there  was  little  difficulty  in  determining  on  the  time 
for  holding  a  joint  convention.  At  two  o  'clock  on  the 
afternoon  of  December  7,  1848,  the  two  houses  met 
in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  where 
were  gathered  many  friends  of  the  various  candi- 
dates. This  time,  however,  there  was  not  the  breath- 
less excitement  of  two  years  before,  for  the  element 
of  uncertainty  was  lacking.  A  Democratic  victory 
could  be  the  only  possible  result. 

The  roll  was  called  by  the  secretary  and  every 


48  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

member  was  found  to  be  present.  Tellers  were  then 
appointed,  and  nominations  for  Senators  were  in 
order.  Philip  B.  Bradley  nominated  Augustus 
Caesar  Dodge  and  Hugh  E.  Thompson  announced 
William  H.  Wallace  as  the  choice  of  the  Whigs. 
When  the  votes  were  counted  it  was  found  that 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  had  received  thirty-eight, 
just  twice  the  number  received  by  his  opponent,  and 
he  was  declared  "duly  elected  a  Senator  to  represent 
the  State  of  Iowa  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States. "  C.  J.  McFarland  then  nominated  George 
W.  Jones  and  Francis  Springer  presented  the  name 
of  Ealph  P.  Lowe.  The  roll  was  called  a  second  time 
and  the  vote  stood  thirty-eight  to  nineteen  in  favor 
of  George  W.  Jones.  After  electing  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  with  the  same  majorities  in  favor 
of  the  Democratic  candidates,  the  convention  ad- 
journed until  the  following  day  when  it  reassembled 
to  witness  the  signing  and  attesting  of  the  certificates 
of  election  of  the  Senators  and  Judges.65 

Thus,  after  two  years  of  unrepresented  state- 
hood the  voice  of  Iowa  was  at  last  to  be  heard  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  Dodge  and  Jones 
hastening  to  the  National  capital  with  their  certifi- 
cates of  election  and  credentials  were  presented  in 
the  Senate  on  December  26,  1848,  and  took  the  seats 
assigned  to  them.  The  classification  of  the  two  new 
Senators  was  then  determined  by  lot.  George  W. 
Jones  drew  the  long  term  which  would  expire  on 
March  3,  1853;  while  the  term  drawn  by  Augustus 
Caesar  Dodge  was  to  end  on  March  3,  1849.66 


THE  FIRST  SENATORIAL  ELECTION         49 

When  it  became  known  at  Iowa  City  that  Dodge's 
term  would  expire  the  following  March,  the  General 
Assembly,  still  in  session,  met  in  joint  convention 
and  reflected  him  for  a  term  of  six  years  beginning 
March  4,  1849.  The  other  candidates  at  this  time 
were  Francis  Springer  and  Evan  Jay,  the  former 
receiving  fifteen  votes  and  the  latter  one  vote ;  while 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  was  the  name  pronounced 
by  thirty-six  members.67 

One  evening  not  long  after  the  second  election  of 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  the  Senate  chamber  in  the 
Old  Stone  Capitol  presented  a  strange  appearance. 
The  desks  had  all  been  removed  and  the  dignified 
legislative  hall  had  been  transformed  into  a  ball- 
room. Dodge  had  written  from  Washington  and  had 
directed  that  a  ball  be  given  at  his  expense  to  the 
members  of  the  legislature  and  other  prominent  peo- 
ple.68 And  so  amid  the  music  and  friendly  good  will 
of  one  of  the  most  brilliant  social  events  the  capital 
city  had  ever  witnessed  there  was  forgotten  the 
bitterness  of  the  long  contest  over  the  United  States 
senatorships. 


II 

THE  ELECTION  OF  GEORGE  W.  JONES 
IN  1852 

IT  was  not  until  the  fall  of  1852  that  the  choice  of  a 
United  States  Senator  again  became  a  topic  of  public 
interest.  By  November  of  that  year,  however,  the 
prospect  of  an  election  in  the  near  future  had 
brought  a  number  of  aspiring  candidates  into  the 
field,  principally  from  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic 
party.  "Already  several  names  have  been  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  this  important  post", 
wrote  a  Fairfield  editor  of  the  Whig  persuasion, 
"but  as  that  matter  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
Democracy  we  shall  only  be  a  looker  on  in  Venice. ' ' 
At  the  same  time  he  deemed  that  it  would  not  be 
considered  presumptuous  in  him  "to  express  the 
hope  that  the  present  ginger-bread  incumbent  should 
not  be  again  returned,  while  we  have  plenty  of  much 
better  men  in  the  State  who  would  fill  the  place  with 
honor  and  dignity."69  It  is  very  apparent  from  the 
tenor  of  these  remarks  that  the  Whigs  had  little 
hope  of  electing  a  man  from  their  own  party. 

Opposition  to  George  W.  Jones,  whose  term  was 
to  expire  March  3,  1853,  developed  early  and  took 
the  most  violent  form.  Few  men  in  the  history  of 
Iowa  have  been  the  object  of  such  cutting  vitupera- 

50 


THE  ELECTION  OF  JONES  IN  1852  51 

tion  as  was  heaped  upon  Senator  Jones  during  this 
contest  and  throughout  the  remainder  of  his  official 
career.  Furthermore,  the  condemnation  did  not 
emanate  merely  from  the  Whigs,  who  seemed  to  be 
bending  all  their  energies  in  an  attempt  to  discredit 
Jones  in  the  eyes  of  his  followers.  James  M.  Mor- 
gan, editor  of  the  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  who 
called  himself  a  Democrat,  though  his  paper  was 
professedly  neutral,  had  become  involved  in  a  bitter 
personal  quarrel  with  the  Dubuque  Senator.  The 
following  is  only  a  fair  sample  of  the  attacks  upon 
Jones  which  appeared  in  his  columns : 

Jones'  friends,  if  he  have  any  left,  will  soon  be  com- 
pelled to  give  him  up  in  disgust,  unless  indeed  they  are 
prepared  to  put  up  with  any  amount  of  folly,  littleness, 
and  shamelessness  on  the  part  of  their  favorite.  Conscious 
of  his  utter  unworthiness  in  every  sense  for  the  position 
which  he  occupies  —  conscious  that  his  first  election  was  a 
fraud  upon  his  party,  and  that  he  never  merited  the  place 
by  reason  of  any  service  performed  —  conscious  of  his  in- 
capacity to  perform  any  act  calculated  to  reflect  any  credit, 
even  the  smallest  upon  the  State  —  and  conscious  of  the  fact 
that  the  people  of  Iowa  are  rapidly  finding  him  out  as  the 
smallest  potato  in  the  whole  political  hill,  and  that  his 
chances  for  re-election  must  wane  accordingly,  he  is  ready 
to  stoop  to  any  trick  no  odds  how  low,  to  make  any  pledges 
no  odds  how  dishonorable,  and  to  instigate  and  encourage 
any  slander,  no  odds  how  false  or  ridiculous.  It  is  a  morti- 
fying reflection  that  so  high  a  position  should  be  made  the 
plaything  of  unprincipled  political  gamblers  —  and  it  is  not 
less  mortifying  that  one  occupying  the  place  of  U.  S.  Sena- 
tor should  be  found  at  all  times  ready  to  prostitute  himself 


52  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

to  the  commission  of  the  lowest  acts  for  the  sake  of  "slip- 
ping up"  on  an  office  which  neither  nature  nor  nature's 
God  ever  intended  him  to  occupy.70 

It  was  freely  predicted  that  Jones  and  his 
friends  would  resort  to  bribery  and  corruption  of 
every  sort  to  secure  a  reelection.  "  Jones  and  his 
crew  will  go  to  Iowa  City  prepared  for  a  death 
struggle ",  was  the  forecast.  "It  is  his  last  chance, 
and  he  will  'go  his  pile'  with  the  desperation  of  a 
black  leg  reduced  to  his  last  trump.  Money  will  be 
freely  spent,  as  it  has  been  already,  and  offices  with- 
out limit,  in  and  out  of  the  State,  will  be  promised 
wherever  it  may  be  safe  to  offer  the  tempting  bait. 
.  .  .  In  a  word,  we  may  look  for  a  contest  the 
most  desperate  in  character,  and  the  most  corrupt 
in  its  appliances,  that  has  ever  been  attempted  in 
this  or  any  other  State. "71 

Much  capital  was  made,  especially  in  the  south- 
ern part  of  the  State,  out  of  Senator  Jones 's  attitude 
toward  railroad  and  river  improvement  bills  in 
Congress.  It  was  charged  that  he  was  partial  to  his 
section  of  the  State  and  that  he  neglected  the  inter- 
ests of  his  southern  constituents.  His  action  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate  and  in  committees  was  reviewed 
in  great  detail,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  arouse 
the  sectional  antagonism  of  the  southern  members 
of  the  legislature.72 

It  was  not  alone  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State 
that  George  W.  Jones  met  with  opposition.  Eight 
within  his  own  stronghold  at  Dubuque  he  had  many 
bitter  enemies.  In  this  case,  however,  personal  ani- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  JONES  IN  1852  53 

mosity,  rather  than  the  displeasing  actions  of  Jones 
in  Congress,  was  the  cause  of  the  opposition,  which 
seems  to  have  originated  late  in  the  year  1850.  At 
that  time,  or  not  long  afterward,  a  clique  in  which 
D.  A.  Mahoney  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits  found- 
ed the  Dubuque  Herald,  a  paper  supposedly  neutral 
in  politics,  but  which,  it  appears,  was  established 
mainly  for  the  purpose  of  fighting  Jones.73 

Thus  the  storm  raged  about  the  person  of  George 
W.  Jones  for  a  month  or  more  preceding  the  meeting 
of  the  General  Assembly.  The  claims  of  other 
aspirants  for  the  senator  ship  were  given  scant 
attention  by  the  public  at  large,  if  the  newspapers 
of  the  day  may  be  taken  as  a  trustworthy  index. 
The  Whigs  were  so  clearly  in  the  minority  that  the 
best  they  could  hope  for  was  the  election  of  a  Demo- 
crat not  entirely  distasteful  to  them ;  while  the  rival 
candidates  in  the  Democratic  party  hesitated  to 
announce  themselves  in  the  race  against  such  a 
strong  opponent  as  Senator  Jones. 

Congress  and  the  Fourth  General  Assembly  of 
Iowa  opened  on  the  same  day  —  December  6,  1852. 
Senator  George  W.  Jones,  instead  of  repairing  to 
his  post  of  duty  at  Washington,  remained  at  Iowa 
City,  thereby  laying  himself  open  to  merited  crit- 
icism. ' '  Senator  Jones  is  not  at  Washington,  where 
he  should  be,  attending  to  his  public  duty, ' '  declared 
his  implacable  enemy  at  Burlington,  "but  is  at  Iowa 
City  '  legging '  for  the  Senate,  and  receiving  his 
eight  dollars  a  day  just  like  a  top!"74  "A  depend- 
ent for  twenty  years  upon  the  spoils  of  place  for  a 


54  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

subsistence,  and  rendered  disgustingly  vain  by  the 
distinction  which  position  gives,  G.  W.  Jones  is  the 
last  man  in  this  world  who  would  leave  a  stone  un- 
turned to  keep  himself  in  office.  What  to  him  are  the 
interests  of  the  State,  when  the  old  habit  is  upon 
him?  .  .  .  What  to  him  is  a  solemn  oath  of 
official  faithfulness,  when  he  has  oaths  of  another 
character  to  utter  in  furtherance  of  his  re-elec- 
tion ?"75 

About  this  time  there  was  published  at  Dubuque 
a  forty  page  pamphlet  containing  a  eulogistic  sketch 
of  the  life  and  services  of  George  W.  Jones.  It 
was  doubtless  intended  as  a  campaign  document, 
as  the  members  of  the  legislature  seem  to  have  each 
been  favored  with  a  copy.  Here  again  was  oppor- 
tunity for  ridicule  from  the  Jones  opposition.  The 
pamphlet  was  referred  to  as  "an  awful  dose"  to 
force  upon  the  "unhappy  wights"  in  the  legislature, 
who  in  addition  to  all  their  other  troubles  were  now 
"called  upon  to  wade  through  40  mortal  pages  to 
find  out  who  killed  Cock  Bobin!"76 

The  convening  of  the  General  Assembly  concen- 
trated at  Iowa  City  all  the  struggling  forces  in  the 
senatorial  contest.  "Jones  and  his  crew,  Wilson 
and  his  friends,  and  Clark  and  his  friends  are  having 
a  regular  Kilkenny-cat  fight  of  it",  wrote  a  corre- 
spondent to  the  F airfield  Ledger.  Lincoln  Clark  was 
laughed  at  by  his  opponents  in  the  Jones  camp  be- 
cause he  travelled  "away  back  to  the  forests  of 
Lebanon,  the  ancient  ruins  of  Ninevah,  to  Jerusalem 
and  the  Plains  of  Joppa  for  his  facts."  Jones,  on 


THE  ELECTION  OF  JONES  IN  1852  55 

the  other  hand,  was  held  up  to  scorn  because  of  the 
free  use  of  profanity  which  characterized  his  can- 
vass for  the  senatorship.77 

An  Iowa  City  correspondent  to  a  Muscatine 
paper,  writing  on  the  day  before  the  meeting  of  the 
legislature,  stated  that  the  most  prominent  Demo- 
cratic rivals  of  George  W.  Jones  were  Stephen 
Hempstead,  Joseph  Williams,  Thomas  S.  Wilson, 
James  Grant,  E.  W.  Johnson,  and  Ver  Planck  Van 
Antwerp.  Some  of  these  men  had  announced  them- 
selves as  candidates  and  were  making  a  strenuous 
fight,  while  others  had  merely  been  mentioned  by 
their  friends.  It  seemed  probable  at  that  time  that 
the  Whigs  would  give  the  compliment  of  the  minority 
vote  to  Gen.  Sargeant.78 

"The  feeling  is  exceedingly  bitter, "  wrote  the 
correspondent,  "frequent  bickerings  disturb  the 
public  mind  —  one  personal  collision,  rather  a  fierce 
and  protracted  one,  has  occurred,  but  without 
any  serious  consequences,  except  black  eyes  and 
scratched  faces.  The  steel  was  not  drawn,  until  the 
belligerents  were  apart,  and  at  safe  distances.  It 
is  understood  that  both  parties  carry  the  cutlery, 
and  are  prepared  for  any  emergency."  The  south- 
ern Democrats  were  somewhat  disposed  to  laugh  at 
the  Dubuque  candidates  for  furnishing  an  exciting 
entertainment.  "So  great  is  the  outside  pressure", 
continued  the  amused  observer,  "that  the  Legisla- 
ture would  have  collapsed  before  this,  had  it  not 
been  made  of  pretty  stern  stuff."79 

The  struggle  between  the  Jones  forces  and  the 


56  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

opposition  was  so  sharp  that  it  was  not  until  De- 
cember 20th  that  the  Democrats  could  agree  to  meet 
in  caucus.  Although  Congress  had  been  in  session 
two  weeks,  Senator  Jones  remained  at  Iowa  City 
determined  to  see  the  end  of  the  contest.  A  bit  of 
doggerel  printed  in  a  Burlington  newspaper  about 
this  time  is  a  satirical  comment  upon  Jones's  well 
known  fastidiousness  in  matters  of  dress  and  per- 
sonal appearance,  intended  no  doubt  to  influence  the 
plain  and  unostentatious  members  of  the  legislature 
against  the  Senator.  The  last  verse  runs : 

'Tis  not  cologne,  nor  whiskers,  nor  clothes, 
Or  jewelled  fingers,  or  nimble  toes, 

That  wins  the  public  trust ; 
And  no  aspiring  political  elf, 
Incapable  e  'en  to  take  care  of  himself, 
Should  e  'er  be  permitted  to  handle  our  pelf, 

Or  finger  the  national  dust.80 

At  the  Democratic  caucus  on  the  evening  of 
December  20,  1852,  George  W.  Jones  received  thirty 
votes,  a  majority  of  one  and  was  declared  the  candi- 
date of  the  party  for  United  States  Senator.  The 
twenty-nine  opposing  votes  were  divided  between 
ten  different  men.81  In  spite  of  the  bitterness  which 
existed  those  who  expected  a  stormy  session  were 
disappointed.  The  nomination  was  made  on  the  first 
ballot,  and  the  business  of  the  caucus  was  conducted 
in  a  quiet,  orderly  manner.82 

The  Democrats  had  a  clear  majority  in  both 
branches  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  hence  there 
was  no  difficulty  in  determining  upon  a  satisfactory 


THE  ELECTION  OF  JONES  IN  1852  57 

time  for  holding  a  joint  convention  after  the  nomina- 
tion had  been  made.  At  three  o'clock  on  the  after- 
noon of  December  21st  the  two  houses  assembled  in 
the  hall  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives ;  and  in  the 
evening  Warner  Lewis  was  able  to  write  to  his  friend 
George  W.  Jones  and  inform  him  that  "the  long 
hoped  for  object"  had  been  gained.  "Every  demo- 
crat, save  one,  stood  up  to  the  f  odder ",  said  Lewis.83 
The  vote  stood,  fifty-nine  for  Jones,  and  thirty-one 
for  George  G.  Wright,  who  was  the  choice  of  the 
Whigs.  Whether  Wright  had  been  chosen  in  caucus 
or  agreed  upon  by  mutual  consent  is  not  known. 
Benjamin  Green,  the  one  Democrat  who  did  not 
stand  "up  to  the  f  odder ",  cast  his  vote  for  John  F. 
Kinney.  Three  members  were  absent  or  not  voting. 
After  the  result  was  announced  a  certificate  of 
election  was  drawn  up  and  signed,  and  the  joint  con- 
vention dissolved.84 

George  W.  Jones,  having  ample  assurance  that 
he  would  be  reflected  to  his  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate  made  arrangements  for  a  supper  to  be  given 
to  the  legislature  at  his  expense,  and  at  noon  on 
December  21st  made  his  tardy  departure  for  Wash- 
ington.85 He  appeared  in  the  Senate  on  January  3, 
1853,  and  on  January  llth  his  credentials  of  election 
for  the  term  of  six  years  beginning  March  4,  1853, 
were  presented  by  his  colleague,  Augustus  Caesar 
Dodge.86 

"The  Die  is  Cast,  and  the  State  Disgraced !"  was 
the  headline  over  an  editorial  in  the  bitterly  anti- 
Jones  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  in  which  the 


58  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

editor  lamented  over  the  fact  that  the  State  was 
"saddled  for  a  second  time  with  one  of  its  least 
competent  citizens  as  a  Senator  in  Congress. ' '  The 
people  of  the  State,  he  went  on  to  say,  were  over- 
whelmingly opposed  to  Jones,  and  his  election  was  a 
subversion  of  the  popular  will.  "As  a  citizen",  was 
his  parting  shot,  "we  regret  the  disgrace  which  the 
election  of  such  a  man  must  bring  upon  the  State  — 
as  a  democrat,  we  feel  that  his  success  is  a  bribe 
held  out  in  advance  to  men  to  turn  bolters  and  vio- 
late every  principle  and  usage  of  the  party  —  and  as 
a  man,  we  deplore  the  degeneracy  of  the  human 
species  when  such  a  specimen  is  put  up  as  a  leader 
among  men  I"87 


Ill 

THE  FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN 

THE  contest  which  culminated  in  January,  1855,  in 
the  election  of  James  Harlan  to  succeed  Augustus 
Caesar  Dodge  in  the  United  States  Senate  is  in  many 
respects  the  most  interesting  senatorial  election  in 
the  history  of  Iowa.  The  fight  was  long  and  bitter, 
and  the  result  was  accomplished  in  an  unusual  man- 
ner. But  the  chief  significance  of  the  election  lies 
in  the  fact  that  it  was  at  the  same  time  an  integral 
part  of  the  great  political  revolution  which  was 
stirring  the  Nation  to  its  depths.  For  the  first  time 
national  questions  played  an  important  part  in  the 
choice  of  a  Senator  from  Iowa. 

The  year  1854  witnessed  events  and  movements 
which  in  their  immediate  importance  and  in  their 
consequences  make  it  a  significant  date  in  our  na- 
tional history.  Four  years  earlier  Henry  Clay's 
compromise  measures  had  averted  impending  dis- 
aster, and  people  deluded  themselves  with  the  vain 
hope  that  the  question  of  slavery  had  been  settled 
for  all  time.  In  their  national  platforms  of  1852 
both  the  Whigs  and  the  Democrats  had  vigorously 
supported  the  compromise,  including  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law;  and  all  attempts  to  reopen  the  wound 
were  deprecated  on  all  sides.  But  in  1854  Stephen 


60  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

A.  Douglas  and  his  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  with  its 
repeal  of  the  time-honored  Missouri  Compromise, 
rudely  dispelled  all  hopes  of  a  peaceful  settlement 
of  the  slavery  controversy.  "It  is  safe  to  say  that, 
in  the  scope  and  consequences  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act,  it  was  the  most  momentous  measure 
that  passed  Congress  from  the  day  that  the  senators 
and  representatives  first  met  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war.  It  sealed  the  doom  of  the  Whig  party ;  it 
caused  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party  on 
the  principle  of  no  extension  of  slavery;  it  roused 
Lincoln  and  gave  a  bent  to  his  great  political 
ambition.  It  made  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  a  dead 
letter  at  the  North;  it  caused  the  Germans  to  be- 
come Republicans;  it  lost  the  Democrats  their  hold 
on  New  England;  it  made  the  Northwest  Repub- 
lican; it  led  to  the  downfall  of  the  Democratic 
party."88 

The  passing  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  was  the 
signal  for  a  coalition  of  all  the  factions  opposed  to 
the  extension  of  slavery.  Free  Soilers,  Abolition- 
ists, Know-No  things,  and  large  numbers  of  Northern 
Whigs  and  Democrats  found  common  ground  in  their 
opposition  to  the  doctrines  embodied  in  the  ill-fated 
law.  The  time  was  ripe  for  a  new  political  party 
whose  cardinal  principle  should  be  resistance  to  the 
further  encroachment  of  the  slave  power.  Conse- 
quently when  a  body  of  Wisconsin  citizens  met  at 
Ripon  in  the  spring  of  1854,  and  later  a  similar  meet- 
ing held  "under  the  oaks"  at  Jackson,  Michigan, 
proposed  the  formation  of  a  new  party  to  be  called 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        61 

"Kepublican"  the  suggestion  met  with  immediate 
favor,  especially  in  the  West. 

The  weighty  events  of  the  year  1854  made  a  pro- 
found impression  on  the  people  of  Iowa.  And  it  was 
from  Iowa  that  there  came  the  first  tangible  indica- 
tion of  the  new  movement  of  opposition  to  the 
doctrines  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Here,  as  in  the 
country  at  large,  the  reaction  against  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act  resulted  in  the  amalgamation  of  the 
Whigs  and  Free  Soilers.  The  combination  proved 
too  strong  for  the  Democrats  who  had  been  in  control 
since  the  organization  of  the  Territory.  At  the 
August  election  James  W.  Grimes,  a  Whig  of 
pronounced  anti-slavery  principles,  was  chosen  Gov- 
ernor by  a  majority  of  over  two  thousand  votes.89 

Thus  the  election  of  James  Harlan  in  1855  is  not 
only  an  important  and  interesting  episode  in  the 
political  history  of  Iowa,  but  it  was  also  one  of  the 
earliest  steps  in  the  rise  of  the  Eepublican  party. 
Its  true  significance  can  be  understood  only  in  the 
light  of  the  larger  movement  of  which  it  was  a  part. 

The  feverish  excitement  which  prevailed  through- 
out the  entire  country  was  well  exemplified  in  Iowa 
in  the  campaign  for  the  election  of  State  officers  and 
members  of  the  legislature  in  1854.  The  vanguard 
of  the  great  tide  of  immigration  from  New  England 
and  the  States  north  of  the  Ohio,  which  a  few  months 
later  broke  across  the  Mississippi  and  spread  out 
over  the  prairies  of  Iowa,  was  already  making  itself 
felt  as  a  new  moral  force  in  the  State.  Eeligious 
enthusiasm,  prohibition  agitation,  and  kindred  mani- 


62  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

f estations  characterized  the  period.  But  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act  was  the  theme  of  discussion  which 
overshadowed  all  others,  and  the  newcomers  were 
almost  a  unit  in  opposition  to  its  doctrines. 

Consequently,  with  great  national  problems  to  be 
solved,  both  of  the  leading  political  parties  in  Iowa 
went  into  the  campaign  with  the  determination  to 
elect  a  legislature  which  would  choose  a  United 
States  Senator  who  would  represent  their  views  on 
the  all-absorbing  question  of  the  day.  The  Whigs 
were  especially  anxious  that  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge 
should  be  succeeded  by  an  anti-Nebraska  man.  In 
Jefferson  County,  for  instance,  a  prominent  Whig 
editor  urged  his  fellow  partisans  to  turn  out  and 
vote  for  Whig  legislators  in  order  to  defeat  Dodge 
and  insure  the  election  of  a  man  who  would  favor  a 
repeal  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act.90  After  the 
election  another  editor  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
State,  where  the  desire  to  displace  Dodge  was  espe- 
cially strong,  rejoiced  that  "in  any  event,  there  will 
be  a  majority  of  Anti-Nebraska  and  Anti-Dodge 
men  in  the  Legislature,  thus  rendering  the  great 
Augustus  Caesar 's  cake  dough,  and  securing  the 
election  of  one  more  favorable  to  the  restoration  of 
the  Compromise,  to  the  U.  S.  Senate/'91 

At  the  August  election,  as  has  already  been 
stated,  James  W.  Grimes  was  chosen  Governor  by  a 
combination  of  all  the  factions  opposed  to  the  Ne- 
braska measure.  The  Democrats  secured  a  majority 
of  one  in  the  Senate  which  was  composed  of  thirty- 
one  members ;  while  the  Whigs  elected  forty  out  of 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        63 

the  seventy  Bepresentatives,  giving  them  a  majority 
on  joint  ballot.  Thus  at  one  blow  the  control  of  the 
Democratic  party  was  overthrown,  and  a  new  party 
which  was  soon  to  designate  itself  Eepublican  was 
ushered  into  power. 

"This  political  revolution  seemed  to  open  the 
way  for  the  transfer  of  many  desirable  official  posi- 
tions from  the  Democracy  to  the  possession  of 
members  of  this  new  organization,  which  the  latter 
were  not  reluctant  to  acquire ",  wrote  one  who  was 
among  the  first  to  reap  the  benefits  of  the  new 
regime.  "The  most  coveted  of  these  official  ' plums' 
were  the  three  Judgeships  constituting  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State,  and  one  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  then  occupied  by  Hon.  Augustus  C. 
Dodge,  whose  term  of  service  would  expire  March 
4th,  1855.  "92 

The  epidemic  of  office-seeking  which  always 
accompanies  a  change  of  administration,  and  espe- 
cially a  transfer  of  power  from  one  political  party 
to  another,  followed  the  August  election.  Among 
those  who  had  contributed  their  share  toward  bring- 
ing in  the  new  era  were  to  be  found  many  who 
looked  for  reward  in  political  preferment.  The 
United  States  senatorship  was  naturally  the  prize 
which  tempted  the  more  ambitious,  and  candidates 
for  the  position  early  announced  themselves  or  were 
brought  before  the  public  by  their  friends. 

One  of  the  first  to  enter  the  lists  was  Fitz  Henry 
Warren,  a  leading  banker  in  Burlington.  He  had 
come  to  the  Territory  in  1844  and  from  the  first  had 


64  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

taken  a  prominent  part  in  politics,  acting  as  delegate 
to  party  conventions,  drawing  up  platforms,  and 
conducting  campaign  work.  He  had  served  as  First 
Assistant  Postmaster  General  under  President  Fill- 
more,  and  as  a  member  of  the  Whig  National  Com- 
mittee in  the  campaign  of  1852,  thus  gaining  a  wide 
acquaintance  among  the  politicians  of  the  country. 
"It  was,  therefore,  natural' >,  wrote  a  contemporary 
in  after  years,  "that  now  when  the  party  for  which 
he  had  worked  so  zealously  and  successfully,  had 
achieved  a  signal  triumph,  and  was  able  to  reward 
a  few  of  its  leaders,  he  should  be  selected  for  the  first 
prize."93 

Fitz  Henry  Warren,  however,  was  by  no  means 
acceptable  in  all  parts  of  the  State.  His  candidacy 
was  particularly  displeasing  to  the  editor  of  a 
neutral  paper  at  Dubuque,  who  expressed  his  dis- 
approval by  remarking  that  to  elect  Warren  as 
Senator  would  be  "a  depth  of  degradation,  by  the 
way  that  we  never  anticipated  this  State  would 
reach,  no  matter  into  whose  clutches  the  State 
Government  should  fall."94  The  editor  preferred 
Milton  D.  Browning,  also  a  Burlington  aspirant  for 
the  senatorship,  although  a  much  less  prominent 
man  than  his  fellow  townsman.  He  was  approved 
of  as  being  a  sound  Whig,  even  though  he  was  dis- 
tasteful to  "the  abolitionized  portion  of  the  Whig 
party."95 

Meanwhile,  Warren's  prospects  continued  to 
grow  brighter,  and  in  spite  of  the  revilings  of  bitter 
enemies  he  was  the  most  promising  candidate  for 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        65 

the  Whig  nomination  during  the  earlier  weeks  of  the 
contest.  He  pushed  his  campaign  with  all  the  skill 
of  the  practiced  politician;  while  Daniel  F.  Miller 
traversed  the  State  in  his  interest,  visiting  members 
of  the  legislature  and  endeavoring  to  work  up  public 
sentiment  in  favor  of  his  chief.96 

The  Democrats  were  less  active  than  their  op- 
ponents, since  there  was  very  little  hope  of  electing 
a  Democratic  Senator.  Naturally  the  friends  of 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  were  anxious  that  he  should 
be  returned,  and  he  was  very  generally  supported 
by  his  party  throughout  the  State.  Although  the 
Democrats  did  not  control  the  General  Assembly  it 
was  nevertheless  suggested  that  since  they  had  a 
majority  in  the  Senate  they  could  prevent  the  choice 
of  a  Whig  "by  a  factious  refusal  to  go  into  an  elec- 
tion. ' m  Even  Dodge  himself  seems  to  have  favored 
this  not  altogether  laudable  proposal.  "I  have  no 
more  idea  of  being  elected  by  the  Legislature  soon 
to  convene ",  he  wrote  to  a  friend  about  the  middle 
of  November,  "than  I  have  that  it  will  choose  the 
Czar  Nicholas  of  Eussia  to  represent  Iowa  in  the 
Senate.  The  great  object  to  be  attained  by  demo- 
crats should  be  to  prevent  an  election.  Far  better  to 
be  unrepresented  than  misrepresented. 
Both  parties  in  our  State  are  committed  to  the  prin- 
ciple by  precedent  at  least,  to  defeat  an  election  of 
Senators  and  Judges,  if  they  can  do  so:  vide  the 
failures  of  1846  &  1847.  "98 

It  was  not  until  shortly  before  the  meeting  of  the 
legislature  that  the  name  of  James  Harlan  of  Mt. 


66  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Pleasant,  began  to  be  used  in  connection  with  the 
senatorship.  And  then  it  was  only  after  earnest 
solicitation  on  the  part  of  his  friends  that  he  per- 
mitted himself  to  be  spoken  of  as  a  candidate  for  a 
position  which  he  felt  himself  poorly  qualified  to  fill. 
As  a  college  president  and  as  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction  he  had  been  very  successful  and 
had  made  for  himself  a  wide  circle  of  acquaintances. 
But  his  training  had  not  been  of  the  character 
usually  considered  requisite  for  holding  a  seat  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  He  had  never  been  a 
politician  in  the  sense  of  making  office-holding  his 
business. 

' '  I  had  not  thought  of  the  position  as  either  pos- 
sible or  desirable  for  me",  wrote  James  Harlan 
many  years  later  when  recording  his  recollections  of 
this  contest  which  was  such  an  important  event  in 
his  life.  "My  name  had  never,  at  any  time,  been 
coupled  with  it  in  my  own  thoughts,  or  as  far  as  I 
then  knew  by  any  body  else,  until  a  short  time  before 
the  date  fixed  by  law  for  the  assembling  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  General  Assembly  ....  when  Col- 
onel Laurin  Dewey,  of  Mt.  Pleasant,  Iowa,  in  a 
private  conversation  with  me,  casually  remarked 
that  I  ought  to  be  the  next  United  States  Senator 
from  our  State.  I  was  both  surprised  and  annoyed. 
It  seemed  to  me  an  attempt  at  flattery  too  extrava- 
gant to  be  agreeable,  which  I  could  not  understand, 
coming  from  him."99 

Laurin  Dewey  then  proceeded  to  say  that  Fitz 
Henry  Warren,  who  was  at  that  time  the  leading 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        67 

Whig  aspirant,  could  not  be  elected.  The  Democrats 
in  both  houses  naturally  would  oppose  him,  and  he 
could  not  be  elected  without  receiving  the  united 
support  of  all  the  "  Anti-Kansas  Nebraska "  mem- 
bers of  the  legislature.  This  would  be  impossible 
since  many  of  the  old  line  Whigs  had  combined 
against  Warren.  The  conversation  ended  at  this 
point,  apparently  without  any  statement  from  Har- 
lan  as  to  whether  or  not  he  desired  to  enter  the 
senatorial  race. 

A  few  days  later  Harlan  received  a  visit  from 
Alvin  Saunders,  State  Senator  elect  from  Henry 
County,  who  desired  to  talk  with  him  concerning  the 
senatorial  situation.  Saunders  corroborated  the 
statement  made  by  Laurin  Dewey  to  the  effect  that 
the  old  line  Whigs  would  not  support  Fitz  Henry 
Warren  and  expressed  the  belief  that  some  other 
Whig  would  stand  a  better  chance  of  being  elected. 
Consequently  he  had  come  to  ask  Harlan  if  he  would 
accept  the  position  if  it  should  be  found  that  the  way 
was  open.  "I  responded  that  I  was  not  a  candi- 
date ";  runs  James  Harlan 's  own  account  of  the 
conversation,  "had  not  supposed  that  my  name 
would  ever  be  mentioned  in  that  connection,  nor  had 
I  given  the  matter  a  moment's  thought." 

Mr.  Saunders  said  that  he  had  supposed  this  to 
be  the  case,  and  that  he  was  not  at  all  certain  that  it 
would  be  possible  to  secure  Harlan 's  nomination. 
4 'But  if  it  should",  he  asked,  "and  we  should  think 
it  best  to  give  the  place  to  you,  would  you  accept 
it?"  "Well",  was  the  reply,  "Colonel  Saunders,  I 


68  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

think  it  safe  to  answer  that  question  in  the  affirma- 
tive."100 Thus,  in  striking  contrast  to  the  self- 
assertiveness  of  some  of  the  candidates  for  the 
senatorship,  James  Harlan  was  finally  led  to  give  his 
consent  to  the  use  of  his  name  in  the  caucuses  of  his 
party. 

By  the  first  of  December  a  formidable  number  of 
candidates  had  announced  themselves  or  had  been 
mentioned  by  their  friends.  A  correspondent  to  a 
Dubuque  paper,  writing  from  Iowa  City  a  few  days 
before  the  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly,  stated 
that  only  a  few  of  the  legislators  had  arrived,  but 
that  the  "working  friends"  of  the  various  senatorial 
aspirants  were  present  in  full  force  and  were  ma- 
neuvering for  their  favorites.  Fitz  Henry  Warren 
and  Ebenezer  Cook,  stated  the  correspondent,  were 
the  most  prominent  candidates,  but  in  his  estimation 
the  fact  that  they  were  both  bankers  and  supposedly 
had  plenty  of  money  to  spend,  brought  them  "more 
prominently  before  that  portion  of  their  party  who 
worship  Mammon,  than  individuals  who  under  other 
circumstances  would  probably  be  held  in  higher 
esteem"  than  either  of  them.  Timothy  Davis  of 
Dubuque  was  mentioned  as  a  possibility.  "Gov- 
ernor Grimes,  who  is  here,  is  thought  not  to  be  a 
candidate,"  continued  the  writer,  "but  the  wiser 
ones  think  that  he  would  not  refuse  the  Senatorship, 
if  it  were  tendered  to  him."101 

The  following  day,  December  2nd,  the  same 
correspondent  wrote  that  quite  a  number  of  the 
legislators  were  in  Iowa  City,  and  that  the  canvass 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        69 

for  the  senatorship  was  becoming  "warm,  excited 
and  somewhat  virulent ".  It  was  not  thought  that 
George  G.  Wright  would  enter  the  race,  but  if  he 
should,  the  opinion  was  expressed  that  he  would  be  a 
"most  formidable  competitor ",102  John  P.  Cook, 
Jacob  Butler,  Stephen  Whicher,  Francis  Springer, 
Henry  W.  Starr,  Joseph  H.  D.  Street,  Stephen  B. 
Shelladay,  Jesse  Bowen,  and  Milton  D.  Browning 
were  all  men  who  were  urged,  each  by  a  loyal  coterie 
of  admirers,  as  worthy  of  the  Whig  nomination  for 
the  senatorship.103  James  Harlan  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  prominently  mentioned  until  a  week  or 
more  later.  His  friends  doubtless  considered  it  ad- 
visable to  work  quietly  until  they  had  the  assurance 
of  strong  support  for  their  candidate. 

The  General  Assembly  convened  at  Iowa  City  on 
December  4, 1854.  Eight  days  later  a  resolution  was 
passed  in  the  House  of  Representatives  providing 
for  a  joint  convention  at  two  o'clock  on  the  afternoon 
of  Friday,  December  15,  for  the  purpose  of  electing 
United  States  Senator  and  Supreme  Court  Judges.104 
A  newspaper  correspondent  looked  upon  this  reso- 
lution as  a  piece  of  folly.  "The  Senate  will  not 
concur  at  this  time ' ',  he  said,  ' '  and  the  house  knows 
it,  but  they  will  continually  introduce  such  a  reso- 
lution merely  to  ascertain  whether  the  whigs  have  a 
majority.  It  looks  as  though  they  were  a  little 
suspicious  of  the  genuineness  of  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  their  party.  Somebody  is  f right ened!"105 

It  was  generally  understood  that  the  Whigs 
would  hold  a  caucus  on  the  evening  of  December 


70  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

12th,  and  the  contest  seemed  to  be  narrowed  down 
to  Fitz  Henry  Warren  and  Ebenezer  Cook,  with  the 
best  chances  in  favor  of  Warren.  Nevertheless  it 
was  thought  that  the  caucus  would  be  a  stormy  one, 
and  some  people  predicted  that  it  would  break  up  in 
a  row.106  There  were  two  factions  in  the  Whig 
party.  One  was  composed  of  men  who  clung  to  the 
declarations  supporting  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850  made  by  their  party  in  the  presidential  cam- 
paign of  1852  and  who  called  themselves  National 
Whigs.  The  other  faction,  which  was  by  far  the 
larger,  was  made  up  of  all  the  elements  opposed  to 
slavery  extension  and  styled  itself  the  Anti-Nebraska 
party. 

1 '  Some  few  national  whigs  may  bolt,  if  the  caucus 
should  not  adopt  the  whig  Baltimore  Platform  which 
I  understand  some  one  will  offer  for  adoption", 
wrote  one  observer.  "On  this  rock,  the  Anti- 
Nebraska  party  may  split,  but  my  own  opinion  of 
them  is  that  if  it  be  necessary  to  carry  their  point  — 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Warren  —  they  will  not  hesi- 
tate about  adopting  that  platform,  even  if  they 
should  split  upon  it  the  moment  after  it  has  served 
their  purpose.  By  adopting  this  platform  the  Anti- 
Nebraska  folks  would  completely  turn  the  table  upon 
the  National  whigs."107 

For  some  reason,  however,  the  Whig  caucus  was 
not  held  on  the  evening  of  December  12th.  This  fact 
may  partially  explain  the  unexpected  action  of  the 
Senate  on  the  next  day.  The  House  resolution 
favoring  a  joint  convention  was  brought  up  for  con- 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        71 

sideration  during  the  morning,  and  by  a  unanimous 
vote  the  resolution  was  so  amended  as  to  provide  for 
holding  the  convention  that  afternoon,  instead  of  on 
the  following  Friday.108  It  may  have  been  that  the 
Democrats,  who  had  a  majority  of  one  in  the  Senate, 
thought  that  by  holding  the  convention  while  the 
Whigs  were  still  unorganized  they  might  secure  the 
election  of  a  man  of  whose  principles  they  could 
approve,  even  though  he  might  not  be  a  full-fledged 
Democrat.  And  of  course  the  Whigs  in  the  Senate 
as  well  as  in  the  House  were  very  willing  to  hold  the 
convention  at  any  time  on  which  the  Democrats 
should  agree. 

The  House  concurred  in  the  Senate 's  amendment, 
and  at  two-thirty  on  the  afternoon  of  Wednesday, 
December  13,  1854,  the  "President  and  members 
of  the  Senate  preceded  by  their  Secretary  and 
Sergeant  at- Arms,  entered  the  Hall  of  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives,  and  having  been  duly  announced, 
took  the  seats  assigned  them."109  The  roll  was 
called  by  the  Secretary.  One  Whig  Eepresentative 
was  found  absent  and  was  excused.  Tellers  were 
appointed,  and  nominations  for  Senator  were  in 
order. 

The  lack  of  harmony  or  of  definite  understanding 
in  the  ranks  of  both  parties  was  now  very  apparent. 
Fourteen  different  members  of  the  legislature  arose 
and  nominated  as  many  different  men  for  United 
States  Senator.  The  men  whose  names  were  thus 
proposed  for  the  consideration  of  the  joint  conven- 
tion in  the  order  of  their  nomination  were :  Augustus 


72  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Caesar  Dodge,  Enoch  W.  Eastman,  James  B.  Howell, 
Edward  Johnstone,  Joseph  H.  D.  Street,  James  Har- 
lan,  Thomas  W.  Claggett,  Jacob  Butler,  Thomas  H. 
Benton,  Jr.,  Stephen  B.  Shelladay,  George  G. 
Wright,  Joseph  Williams,  Fitz  Henry  Warren,  and 
Ebenezer  Cook.110  Of  these  fourteen  nominees, 
Dodge,  Eastman,  Johnstone,  Benton,  and  Williams 
were  Democrats;  while  the  remaining  nine  were 
identified  with  one  or  the  other  faction  in  the  Whig 
party. 

When  the  votes  were  counted  it  was  found  that 
no  one  had  a  majority.  Fifty  votes  were  necessary 
to  elect,  and  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  who  headed 
the  list,  received  only  twenty-nine.  Fitz  Henry 
Warren  followed  with  sixteen  votes.  Edward  John- 
stone  had  eleven,  James  B.  Howell  nine,  and  Eben- 
ezer Cook  seven.  Nobody  else  received  over  five 
votes;  and  it  should  be  noted  that  James  Harlan 
received  only  four.111 

After  the  failure  of  the  first  attempt  to  elect,  two 
unsuccessful  efforts  were  made  to  adjourn  and  then 
a  second  vote  was  taken.  This  time  only  nine  of  the 
candidates  received  votes.  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge 
had  the  same  number  of  votes  as  before.  Fitz  Henry 
Warren,  Edward  Johnstone,  and  Ebenezer  Cook 
each  gained  slightly;  while  James  Harlan  received 
twelve  votes,  thus  placing  him  among  the  more 
prominent  candidates.  But  again  there  was  no 
election;  and  so  after  some  little  disagreement  the 
joint  convention  adjourned  until  ten  o'clock  the 
following  morning.112 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        73 

Both  parties  naturally  realized  that  it  would  be 
useless  to  go  into  another  session  of  the  joint  con- 
vention without  determining  upon  the  men  whom 
they  would  support  for  the  senatorship.  Conse- 
quently caucuses  were  held  that  evening  (December 
13th).  It  is  apparent  that  the  majority  of  the  Demo- 
crats agreed  to  vote  for  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  but 
the  record  of  their  deliberations  has  not  been  found. 
The  action  of  the  Whig  or  Anti-Nebraska  caucus, 
however,  was  a  great  surprise.  It  had  been  con- 
fidently expected  that  either  Fitz  Henry  Warren  or 
Ebenezer  Cook  would  receive  the  nomination.  In 
fact  the  National  Whigs  refused  to  attend  the  caucus, 
because  they  felt  certain  that  Warren  would  be  nom- 
inated and  they  would  be  obliged  to  support  him  if 
they  took  part  in  the  proceedings.113  Six  ineffectual 
ballots  were  taken  in  the  caucus ;  but  on  the  seventh 
ballot  James  Harlan,  whose  chances  until  this  even- 
ing had  not  been  promising,  received  twenty-nine 
votes.  This  was  a  majority  of  all  the  Whigs  in  the 
legislature  and  Harlan  was  declared  the  nominee  of 
the  party.114 

To  James  Harlan  the  nomination  seems  to  have 
been  as  unlocked  for  as  it  was  surprising  to  the 
general  public.  ' i  Hence  the  reader  may  judge  of  my 
surprise",  he  wrote  in  his  autobiographical  sketch, 
"when,  a  few  days  subsequent  to  the  meeting  of  the 
Legislature  at  Iowa  City,  happening  to  meet  Col. 
Asbury  B.  Porter,  E.  L.  B.  Clark,  and  Chancey  Nash, 
all  three  of  Mt.  Pleasant,  Iowa,  who,  being  on  their 
way  home  from  Iowa  City,  halted  the  horses  on 


74  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

whicli  they  were  riding,  and  saluting,  informed  me  of 
my  '  nomination,  by  a  Legislative  caucus  of  Anti 
Kansas-Nebraska  Members,  on  the  evening  of  De- 
cember thirteenth,  (13th,)  1854,  for  a  seat  in  the  U. 
S.  Senate  I'  " 

"The  above  named  gentlemen ",  continued  Har- 
lan,  "had  been  to  Iowa  City  in  the  interest  of  the 
election  of  Fitz  Henry  Warren,  and,  of  course,  were 
not  elated  over  the  result,  altho  friends  and  towns- 
men of  mine.  .  .  .  And  they  informed  me  that 
'  after  my  nomination  he  [Warren]  advised  all  his 
friends  to  support  me,  and  if  possible  to  secure  my 
election ;  that  he  believed  it  to  be  possible ;  and  that 
if  he  had  been  nominated  he  would  have  found  some 
way  to  reconcile  the  bolting  Whigs ;  but  that  he  did 
not  know  whether  I  could  do  so  or  not.'  mi5 

The  nomination  of  James  Harlan  must  have  been 
a  severe  blow  to  Fitz  Henry  Warren,  whose  services 
to  his  party  had  fully  justified  the  high  hopes  which 
he  had  entertained  of  receiving  this  rich  reward. 
The  manner  in  which  he  bore  his  defeat,  and  the 
hearty  support  he  accorded  his  successful  rival  must 
ever  be  remembered  to  the  credit  of  a  man  who  was 
not  always  free  from  criticism. 

The  general  opinion  was  that  Harlan  had  been 
chosen  in  the  hope  of  conciliating  the  National 
Whigs,  who  were  bitterly  opposed  to  Warren.  But 
the  keenest  observers  doubted  whether  Harlan  would 
be  any  more  acceptable,  and  succeeding  events 
proved  their  doubts  well  grounded.116  One  writer 
attributes  Harlan 's  nomination  to  the  fact  that  in 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        75 

his  campaign  against  Thomas  H.  Benton,  Jr.  in  1848 
for  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction 
he  had  been  cheated  out  of  what  rightfully  belonged 
to  him.  "This  was  felt  to  be  an  outrage  by  a  large 
number  of  people  irrespective  of  party/'  says  the 
writer,  "and  the  result  was  to  bring  the  injured 
party  prominently  before  the  Fifth  General  Assem- 
bly as  a  candidate  for  United  States  senator.  Had 
it  not  been  for  this  circumstance,  Fitz  Henry  Warren 
would  in  all  probability  have  received  the  distinction 
of  being  the  first  Whig  or  Eepublican  United  States 
senator  from  Iowa."117  This  view  of  the  case,  how- 
ever, has  little  basis  for  acceptance. 

The  joint  convention  reassembled  on  the  morning 
of  Thursday,  December  14th.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  both  parties  had  held  a  caucus  the  night  before, 
five  men  were  nominated  for  the  senatorship.  Ed- 
ward Johnstone's  name  was  again  mentioned,  al- 
though Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  was  clearly  the 
choice  of  the  majority  of  the  Democrats.  James 
Harlan  was  nominated  without  any  opposition  from 
the  Anti-Nebraska  Whigs,  but  the  National  faction, 
still  bolting,  rallied  around  Ebenezer  Cook.  The 
fifth  name  was  that  of  Joseph  H.  D.  Street,  a  Whig, 
though  of  which  branch  it  is  difficult  to  determine.118 

When  the  nominations  had  been  made  Milton  D. 
Browning  of  Des  Moines  County  suggested  that  the 
candidates  for  the  senatorship  "be  interrogated 
relative  to  their  views  upon  various  national  top- 
ics."119 This  was  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  petty 
maneuverings  by  which  Browning  endeavored  to 


76  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

work  up  a  boom  for  himself  for  the  coveted  position. 
He  expressed  a  desire  to  know  whether  the  candi- 
dates were  sound  on  the  great  compromises  of  1820 
and  1850.  "This  led  to  a  lively  debate,  and  cross- 
fire of  questions,  in  the  course  of  which  it  was  stated 
by  Mr.  Russell,  that  Mr.  Harlan  ....  was  in 
favor  of  amending  the  fugitive  slave  law. ' '  Further- 
more, Harlan  was  charged  by  some  of  the  National 
Whigs  with  being  a  strong  abolitionist  and  opposed 
to  the  compromise  of  1850.120  In  the  midst  of  this 
aimless  discussion  a  motion  was  made  to  adjourn 
until  the  following  Thursday,  and  it  was  adopted  by 
a  vote  of  fifty  to  forty-nine.121 

<  t  There  is  no  knowing  what  will  be  done ' ',  wrote 
Samuel  McFarland  to  James  Harlan  after  the  joint 
convention  had  adjourned.  ' '  The  Locos  &  Browning 
are  moving  heaven  and  earth  to  defeat  any  good 
Whig.  ...  If  we  could  have  got  a  ballot  this 
morning,  I  think  you  would  have  been  elected.  All 
the  Warren  men  in  fact  every  one  in  the  caucus  were 
right  in  for  you.  Warren,  himself,  and  his  friends 
said  you  were  the  nominee,  and  they  were  for  you  — 
they  act  like  men."122 

Indeed,  the  prospect  of  electing  a  Senator  seemed 
more  uncertain  than  ever  after  this  second  fruitless 
attempt.  Factional  strife,  jealousy,  and  conflicting 
personal  ambitions  all  combined  to  destroy  harmony 
in  either  party,  but  especially  among  the  Whigs. 
"The  Woolies  are  determined  that  no  one  but  a 
Wooly  shall  be  elected  to  the  Senate  by  their  votes", 
wrote  a  newspaper  correspondent.  "The  National 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        77 

Whigs  are  as  equally  determined  that  no  man  who  is 
not  sound  upon  the  compromises  shall  receive  their 
votes  for  Senator. "  The  Democrats,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  declared,  "are  determined  to  preserve  in- 
tact the  identity  of  the  democratic  party  of  Iowa  and 
therefore  will  not  fuse  with  the  national  whigs."123 

James  Harlan  received  letters  from  friends  at 
Iowa  City  informing  him  that  the  joint  convention 
had  adjourned,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  learn- 
ing his  views  on  the  slavery  question,  but  that  in  fact 
it  was  a  part  of  a  movement  to  defeat  him  if  pos- 
sible. He  was  warned  that  he  would  be  questioned 
as  to  his  opinion  regarding  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  and  although  his  friends  did  not  wish 
him  to  compromise,  they  urged  him  not  to  fatally 
commit  himself  to  any  radical  views  on  the  subject.124 
Shortly  afterward  Harlan  received  a  formal  letter 
signed  by  eleven  members  of  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives,  submitting  to  him  a  list  of  questions 
which  he  was  requested  to  answer  in  order  that  his 
attitude  might  be  known  at  the  next  meeting  of  the 
joint  convention.  These  questions  which  were  nine 
in  number  were  designed  to  bring  out  Harlan's 
views  on  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  the  further  agita- 
tion of  the  slavery  question,  the  "higher  law" 
doctrine  of  Seward,  the  constitutional  power  of  Con- 
gress to  admit  slave  States,  and  the  binding  force  of 
the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.125 

"Of  course",  wrote  Harlan  in  his  autobiography, 
"I  knew  that  the  foregoing  interrogatories  had  been 


78  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

prepared  and  presented  to  me  ....  simply  as  a 
political  trap:  that  the  signers  did  not  intend  to 
vote  for  me  in  any  contingency.  They,  no  doubt, 
thought  that  any  answer  that  it  might  be  possible 
for  me  to  give  would  aid  them  in  securing  my  defeat, 
and  open  the  way  for  the  election  of  either  a  demo- 
crat or  pro  slavery  Whig".126 

Harlan  therefore  chose  the  course  of  wisdom  and 
decided  to  make  no  public  response  whatever  to  these 
questions.  Instead  he  went  to  Iowa  City  in  order,  as 
he  said,  to  "give  any  one  who  might  desire  it  an 
opportunity  to  interview  me  personally,  face  to 
face."  At  the  same  time  he  carefully  drew  up  a 
formal  reply  to  be  used  in  case  anyone  desired  to 
interview  him.  This  reply  was  worthy  of  an  accom- 
plished statesman,  for  it  neither  committed  its 
author  to  any  particular  position,  nor  laid  him  open 
to  criticism  for  avoiding  the  issue  entirely.  But 
Harlan  seems  to  have  had  little  use  for  his  reply,  for 
he  states  that  "as  I  had  expected,  the  authors  of  the 
interrogatories  had  nothing  to  say,  and  carefully 
kept  out  of  my  way."127 

When  the  joint  convention  met  for  the  third  time 
on  December  21,  1854,  the  spirit  of  discord  was  still 
in  evidence.  The  convention  opened  propitiously 
enough  with  only  three  nominations:  Augustus 
Caesar  Dodge,  Ebenezer  Cook,  and  James  Harlan. 
A  vote  was  taken  and  Harlan  received  forty-seven 
votes,  Dodge  forty-three,  and  Cook  seven,  while  one 
vote  was  given  to  Edward  Johnstone.  Although  no 
one  had  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  the 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        79 

result  seemed  to  augur  the  early  election  of  James 
Harlan,  since  only  fifty  votes  were  necessary  to  a 
choice.  But  all  hopes  soon  went  glimmering.  A 
motion  was  made  to  temporarily  suspend  the  election 
of  United  States  Senator  and  vote  for  Supreme 
Court  Judges,  but  it  was  defeated.  An  unsuccessful 
attempt  was  made  to  adjourn  until  the  third  of  Jan- 
uary. The  names  of  Thomas  W.  Claggett,  Joseph  H. 
D.  Street,  Jacob  Butler,  and  Bernhart  Henn  were 
then  added  to  the  list  of  nominees,  Augustus  Caesar 
Dodge's  name  was  withdrawn,  and  another  vote  was 
taken.  This  time  Harlan  dropped  to  forty-one, 
while  Ebenezer  Cook  received  eighteen  votes.  Again 
there  was  no  majority  and  the  convention  adjourned 
until  three  o'clock  that  afternoon.128 

The  list  of  nominees  received  the  addition  of  the 
name  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,  Jr.  at  the  afternoon 
session.  Milton  D.  Browning  was  also  nominated, 
but  at  his  request  his  name  was  withdrawn.  When 
the  votes  were  counted  James  Harlan  was  found  to 
have  forty-five,  Ebenezer  Cook  forty-four,  P.  Gad 
Bryan  seven,  Joseph  H.  D.  Street  one,  and  Thomas 
H.  Benton,  Jr.  one.  The  Democrats,  with  only  a  few 
exceptions,  supported  Ebenezer  Cook,  the  National 
Whig  candidate,  who  since  the  withdrawal  of  Dodge 
from  the  contest  was  the  most  nearly  in  accord  with 
their  views.  The  convention  then  adjourned  until 
the  fifth  of  January.  Five  times  the  vote  had  been 
taken  for  Senator  and  each  time  the  possibility  of 
an  election  seemed  more  distant.129 

The  recess  was  a  period  filled  with  the  maneuv- 


80  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

erings  of  candidates  for  the  senatorship,  and  much 
interest  was  manifested  in  the  contest  throughout 
the  State.  The  failure  to  secure  an  election  thus  far 
was  a  source  of  gratification  to  the  Democrats. 
' '  There  is  yet  some  leaven  left  amid  the  incongruous 
elements  of  which  the  major  part  of  the  present 
General  Assembly  is  composed",  exulted  a  Demo- 
cratic editor.  "This  fact  is  attested  by  the  failure 
of  the  woolly  heads  to  elect  their  caucus  candidate, 
Mr.  Harlan,  on  the  recent  balloting  for  U.  S.  Senator. 
The  ballots  then  and  there  cast  prove  that  the  Iowa 
Legislature  is  not  all  abolition,  or  even  the  Whig 
portion  of  it.  And  we  trust  that  the  fair  fame  of  the 
State  will  not  be  stained  by  the  election  to  the  re- 
sponsible position  of  Senator,  of  any  politician  of 
the  Garrison  school."130 

The  Anti-Nebraska  people,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  very  much  disgusted  with  the  way  things  were 
going.  A  prominent  editor  at  Burlington  devoted 
considerable  time  and  space  to  reviewing  the  situa- 
tion. Harlan 's  election,  he  declared,  had  been  pre- 
vented "by  traitors  in  the  Whig  camp  who,  under 
the  specious  guise  of  National  Whiggery,  are  dally- 
ing with  the  Locofoco  party."  "And  that  an  ar- 
rangement has  been  entered  into  is  evident  from  this 
nomination  of  Cook,"  he  continued,  "and  from  Mr. 
Test's  nomination  of  Senator  Browning,  which  was 
refused  very  much  as  Caesar  refused  the  crown, 
though  not  so  often." 

Furthermore,  the  Burlington  editor  predicted 
that  a  bargain  and  sale  would  be  carried  into  effect 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        81 

which  would  result  in  the  election  of  ' '  some  old  fogy, 
one  idea,  Virginia  Abstractionist,  who  disgraces  the 
country  by  calling  himself  a  *  National  Whig  I  *  Or 
we  shall  have  foisted  upon  us  an  Old  Hunker  Demo- 
crat, of  the  leather-head  breed,  who  never  had  but 
one  set  of  ideas,  all  of  which  could  be  told  in  five 
words :  i  Free  Trade  and  Hard  Money ! '  But  if  the 
thing  is  narrowed  down  to  this,  give  us  the  Old 
Hunker  Democrat  we  say!  We  want  no  traitors 
from  our  ranks  sent  to  the  Senate. —  If  we  must  be 
misrepresented,  give  us  an  out  and  out,  up  and  down, 
dyed  in  the  wool  Locof  oco.  But  don 't  send  a  traitor. 
Don't  stab  us  in  the  house  of  our  friend. "  Having 
thus  vigorously  stated  his  own  attitude  and  that  of 
his  faction,  the  editor  spoke  in  high  terms  of  James 
Harlan  and  expressed  the  hope  that  his  name  would 
be  "scrupulously  adhered  to  until  intrigue  and  dis- 
honesty shall  elect  some  other  man,  or  render  it 
certain  that  no  election  can  be  effected. m31 

Ebenezer  Cook  was  severely  criticized  by  the 
Anti-Nebraskaites  for  intriguing  with  the  Demo- 
crats. It  was  even  charged  that  he  had  promised  to 
ignore  the  question  of  slavery  in  his  official  conduct, 
to  vote  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  with  slavery, 
and  to  come  out  as  a  full-fledged  Democrat  if  the 
Locof ocos  should  secure  a  majority  in  the  next  Gen- 
eral Assembly.  Milton  D.  Browning  also  came  in  for 
his  share  of  animadversion  because  of  his  attempts 
to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Democrats.  Both 
Cook  and  Browning  seem  to  have  made  every  effort 
to  secure  the  support  of  the  seven  or  eight  Democrats 

6 


82  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

who  had  refused  to  vote  for  anyone  but  a  member 
of  their  own  party.132 

6  '  There  has  been  more  lying,  cheating,  swindling 
and  corruption  here  this  winter  than  was  ever  con- 
ceived of  in  my  philosophy",  wrote  Governor  Grimes 
at  the  end  of  the  two-weeks  interval.133  The  Gov- 
ernor, however,  wisely  held  aloof  from  the  contest 
and  did  not  use  his  influence,  at  least  not  publicly, 
for  any  particular  candidate. 

On  January  5,  1855,  pursuant  to  adjournment, 
the  joint  convention  again  assembled  for  the  election 
of  United  States  Senator  and  Supreme  Court 
Judges.  Ebenezer  Cook,  Milton  D.  Browning, 
Joseph  H.  D.  Street,  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  and 
James  Harlan  were  nominated,  but  upon  request  the 
names  of  Browning,  Street,  and  Dodge  were  with- 
drawn. The  convention  then  voted  for  a  sixth, 
seventh,  and  eighth  time  for  Senator  with  no  more 
effect  than  before.  Harlan  had  forty-six,  forty- 
seven,  and  forty-seven  votes  respectively,  while 
Browning,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  his  name  had 
been  withdrawn,  received  seventeen,  nineteen  and 
thirty-five  votes  respectively.134  Then  followed  a 
filibustering  war  of  motions  to  adjourn  and  to  go 
into  an  election  of  Judges,  ending  finally  in  an  ad- 
journment until  that  afternoon  at  two  o'clock.  The 
afternoon  session  was  devoted  entirely  to  the  elec- 
tion of  George  G.  Wright  and  William  G.  Woodward 
as  two  of  the  Supreme  Court  Judges,  and  to  a  long 
drawn  out  contest  for  the  third,  in  which  Norman 
W.  Isbell  was  the  leading  candidate,  though  he  could 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        83 

not  secure  a  majority  of  the  votes.  After  six  in- 
effectual ballots  the  convention  adjourned  until  the 
following  morning.135 

On  Saturday,  January  6,  1855,  there  was  enacted 
in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  a  scene 
such  as  has  few  equals  in  the  legislative  history  of 
Iowa.  The  Democrats  evidently  feared  that  Harlan 
would  be  elected  Senator  if  the  joint  convention 
should  meet  again.  Consequently  the  committee 
which  had  been  sent  to  inform  the  Senate  that  the 
House  was  prepared  to  meet  found  that  the  Senate 
had  adjourned  until  the  following  Monday  by  a  strict 
party  vote  of  sixteen  to  fifteen.136  A  number  of 
Senators,  however,  entered  the  hall  of  the  House 
without  their  president  and  took  seats,  and  the 
speaker  declared  that  the  joint  convention  was  in 
session. 

The  wildest  confusion  immediately  followed  this 
announcement.  Out  in  the  lobbies  the  rebellious 
Senators  "attempted  to  kick  up  a  row,  but  were  over- 
awed by  General  Brown,  the  House  Sergeant-at- 
Arms."137  Inside  the  hall  disorder  prevailed. 
" Members  became  furious,  excited  and  mad",  wrote 
a  newspaper  correspondent  who  was  a  witness 
of  the  dramatic  proceedings.  "Some  loudly  called 
for  order.  Senators  and  Eepresentatives  arose  in 
all  parts  of  the  House  and  each  endeavoring  to  raise 
their  voices  above  the  din  and  clamor  of  an  excited 
Assembly,  added  to  the  tumult  of  the  throng. ' '  Some 
declared  that  the  joint  convention  was  not  in  session 
because  the  Senate  was  not  present  as  an  official 


84  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

body  and  because  there  was  no  president;  while 
1 '  others  raised  their  voices  to  an  alarming  height  and 
nominated  a  presiding  officer. "  The  speaker  ap- 
pointed a  chairman  and  took  part  in  the  debate. 
6  i  The  Chairman  attempted  to  make  a  speech  but  was 
called  to  order."  "The  Clerk  of  the  House  in 
thundering  tones,  which  broke  out  like  the  sudden 
and  quick  report  of  a  forty  pounder ",  declared  that 
he  was  secretary  of  the  convention,  and  that  nomina- 
tions for  a  president  pro  tern  were  in  order.  "The 
Secretary  of  the  Senate  raised  his  voice  as  far  above 
the  roar  of  the  thunder  as  is  the  yell  of  a  whipped 
spaniel  above  the  bray  of  a  hungry  jackass,  and 
pronounced  the  whole  proceedings  out  of  order,  and 
declared  no  convention  in  session.  Loud  shouts, 
cheers  and  stampings  followed  this  decision,  and  all 
was  confusion  worst  confounded. ' ' 

After  an  hour  or  more  of  angry  tumult  the 
Democrats,  "finding  themselves  outnumbered,  and 
perceiving  that  the  lungs  of  the  opposition  excelled 
their 's  in  power  and  tension,  gave  up  the  fight",  and 
all  but  three  of  them  left  the  hall.  Finally,  to  use 
the  figurative  expression  of  the  correspondent,  "the 
noisy  elements  subsided,  the  whirlwind  passed  by, 
the  dead  and  wounded  picked  themselves  up,  and 
with  woful  countenances  stared  at  each  other",  and 
soon  there  ' '  reigned  that  awful  silence  which  always 
follows  the  raging  storm".138 

The  members  who  remained  then  elected  William 
W.  Hamilton,  a  Senator  from  Dubuque  County,  as 
president  pro  tern.  The  sergeant-at-arms  was  sent 


FIRST  ELECTION  OP  JAMES  HARLAN        85 

to  inform  the  absent  members  that  the  joint  conven- 
tion was  ready  to  proceed  to  business.  He  reported 
that  he  had  been  unable  to  find  some  of  the  missing 
men,  and  that  the  others  had  refused  to  come  in. 
Further  calling  of  the  roll  was  dispensed  with,  and 
a  vote  was  taken  for  the  remaining  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  resulting  in  the  election  of  Norman 
W.  Isbell.  Immediately  afterward  the  convention 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  United  States  Senator. 
James  Harlan  received  fifty-two  votes,  which  was 
"a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast,  and  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  members  of  the  General  As- 
sembly ".  He  was  therefore  declared  duly  elected 
and  a  certificate  of  election  was  made  out  and  at- 
tested.139 

The  unprecedented  manner  in  which  the  election 
was  accomplished  naturally  gave  rise  to  much  dis- 
cussion. The  joint  convention  was  clearly  extra- 
legal  to  say  the  least.  Any  intelligent  interpretation 
of  the  law  prescribing  the  manner  of  choosing  United 
States  Senators  would  have  demanded  that  a 
quorum  of  both  houses  should  be  present,  although 
this  principle  was  not  stated  in  so  many  words.140 
In  this  case  not  only  was  there  not  a  quorum  of  the 
Senate  present,  but  strictly  speaking  the  Senate  did 
not  exist  as  an  official  body,  because  of  its  adjourn- 
ment until  the  following  Monday.  On  the  other 
hand,  this  adjournment  of  the  Senate  was  a  palpable 
violation  of  good  faith.  It  had  been  agreed  to  hold 
the  joint  convention  that  morning,  and  instead  of 
abiding  by  their  votes  of  the  preceding  day,  the 


86  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Democratic  members  of  the  Senate  made  undue 
haste  to  adjourn  and  leave  their  hall  before  the 
House  could  prepare  to  meet  them.  Thus,  while 
the  Whigs  elected  their  candidate  in  a  manner  not 
sanctioned  by  law,  the  Democrats  made  every  ef- 
fort to  prevent  the  election  by  means,  which  if 
not  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  law,  were  at  least 
not  in  accord  with  the  highest  ideals  of  political 
integrity.141 

The  Democrats  in  both  houses  of  the  General  As- 
sembly drew  up  and  entered  upon  the  journals 
emphatic  protests  against  the  proceedings  of  Janu- 
ary 6th.142  The  newspapers  took  up  the  quarrel  and 
for  several  weeks  a  bitter  war  of  words  was 
waged.  Editors  who  classed  themselves  as  Anti- 
Nebraska  men  were  much  elated  at  the  outcome, 
and  devoted  many  columns  to  the  defense  of  the 
legality  of  the  election.  The  Democrats,  on  the 
other  hand,  endeavored  to  alleviate  their  disap- 
pointment by  vigorous  denunciation  of  their  op- 
ponents, and  by  attacks  on  Harlan.  One  editor,  in 
addition  to  other  derogatory  statements,  declared 
that  Harlan  was  "a  bigoted  fanatic  upon  the 
subject  of  Slavery,  who  would  be  allied  in  the 
Senate,  to  an  insignificant  faction  without  in- 
fluence and  unable  to  command  respect  and  yet 
infinitely  inferior  to  the  feeblest  intellect  among 
them."143 

Gradually  the  excitement  subsided.  James  Har- 
lan remained  at  his  home  at  Mt.  Pleasant  awaiting 
the  time  when  he  should  enter  upon  the  performance 


FIRST  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HARLAN        87 

of  the  duties  which  he  believed  himself  legally  com- 
missioned to  assume.  Late  in  November,  1855,  he 
departed  for  Washington,  and  on  December  3rd,  he 
was  administered  the  oath  of  office  and  took  his  seat 
as  the  first  Eepublican  United  States  Senator  from 
Iowa.144 


IV 

THE  CONTESTED  ELECTION  OF 
JAMES  HAELAN 

As  far  as  the  legislature  and  people  of  Iowa  were 
concerned  the  election  of  James  Harlan  on  January 
6,  1855,  was  a  closed  event.  It  now  remained  for 
the  United  States  Senate  to  determine  whether  or 
not  he  should  be  allowed  to  retain  his  seat.  Al- 
though Harlan  himself,  in  common  with  a  majority 
of  the  Anti-Nebraska  party,  felt  fully  satisfied  of  the 
legality  of  the  election,  he  nevertheless  had  mis- 
givings as  to  the  attitude  which  the  Senate  would 
assume  when  it  came  to  decide  his  case.  A  week 
before  his  departure  for  Washington  it  appears  that 
Harlan  wrote  to  James  W.  Grimes  desiring  to  know 
what  course  he  would  pursue  as  Governor  in  case  of 
an  adverse  decision:  whether  he  would  consider  it 
"such  a  vacancy  as  would  justify  an  appointment 
by  the  Governor ' ',  or  whether  in  his  opinion  it  would 
warrant  calling  a  special  session  of  the  legislature.145 
Governor  Grimes  replied  that  he  believed  the 
election  had  been  legal,  and  therefore  there  could  be 
no  vacancy,  no  matter  what  action  the  United  States 
Senate  might  take.  Consequently  he  would  not  feel 
justified  either  in  making  an  appointment  or  re- 
assembling the  legislature  unless  some  exigency 

88 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  89 

should  arise  which  was  not  then  contemplated.  He 
was  of  the  opinion,  moreover,  that  with  the  existing 
ill  feeling  in  the  General  Assembly  there  would  be  no 
election  even  if  an  extra  session  were  called,  and  that 
any  appointment  he  might  make  would  be  rejected 
by  the  United  States  Senate  on  the  ground  that,  since 
the  legislature  had  failed  to  elect,  there  could  be  no 
vacancy  which  the  Governor  could  fill.146 

As  has  already  been  stated  James  Harlan  took 
his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  on  December  3, 
1855.  His  colleague,  George  W.  Jones,  who  pre- 
sented his  credentials  at  the  same  time,  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  at  the  preceding  session  a 
protest  from  the  Senate  of  Iowa  had  been  put  on 
file  declaring  that  Harlan 's  election  had  been  illegal. 
But  as  he  desired  the  cooperation  of  his  new  col- 
league, Mr.  Jones  hoped  he  would  be  sworn  in  before 
his  case  was  referred  to  a  committee  and  finally 
decided,  as  he  presumed  it  would  be  in  a  short  time. 
At  the  request  of  Senator  Mason  of  Virginia  the 
protest  was  read,  and  then,  there  being  no  objection, 
James  Harlan  took  the  oath  of  office  and  was  al- 
lowed to  choose  a  seat  from  among  those  vacant.147 

The  position  of  the  new  Senator  at  Washington 
was  anything  but  pleasant.  Broken  as  he  was  in 
health,  almost  a  total  stranger  in  the  capital  city, 
and  with  little  prospect  of  being  allowed  to  retain  his 
seat,  his  letters  to  his  wife  during  the  first  weeks  of 
his  sojourn  were  full  of  gloom  and  anxious  fore- 
bodings. "I  came  to  fight  a  battle  for  my  right  to  a 
seat  in  a  body  of  eminent  Statesmen  a  large  majority 


90  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

of  whom  were  politically  hostile  to  my  claim ;  and  all 
of  whom,  except  my  colleague,  were  total  strangers ' ', 
wrote  Senator  Harlan  many  years  later  when  re- 
calling his  first  impressions  of  Washington  official 
life.  "And  I  was  affiliated  with  a  new  party  then 
just  forming,  to  which  the  old  WMg  and  Democratic 
parties  were  bitterly  hostile ;  and  whose  representa- 
tion in  the  Senate  constituted  a  very  small  minority. 
Of  all  the  thousands  of  Government  officials  swarm- 
ing around  the  Departments,  from  the  President 
down  to  the  most  humble  employe,  not  one  sympa- 
thised with  this  new  political  organization.  .  .  . 
It  would  be  very  difficult  for  any  one  now  to  realise 
the  depressing  influence  of  such  a  sentiment  on  the 
mind  of  a  stranger  on  entering  such  a  community, 
in  which  every  man  woman  and  child  felt  it  to  be 
right  and  a  duty  to  manifest  hostility,  because  of 
their  consciencious  belief  that  the  new  comer  is  a 
criminal  in  his  intentions  and  purposes,  and  his 
presence  highly  dangerous  to  the  peace,  safety  and 
welfare  of  society."148 

It  was  not  until  August  13,  1856,  that  anything 
was  again  said  in  regard  to  James  Harlan 's  right  to 
his  seat  in  the  Senate.  On  that  day  George  W.  Jones 
moved  that  the  resolutions  of  the  Iowa  Senate  be 
taken  from  the  files  and  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  the  Judiciary  without  remarks.  Mr.  Harlan 
asked  that  the  matter  be  made  a  special  order  for  an 
early  day.  There  was  a  bill  before  the  house,  how- 
ever, and  the  President  declined  to  entertain  further 
debate.149 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  91 

On  the  following  day  Senator  Jones  again  moved 
that  the  papers  in  the  case  of  his  colleague  be  taken 
up  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 
Senator  James  A.  Bayard  of  Delaware,  one  of  the 
members  of  the  committee,  said  he  did  not  see  how  a 
report  could  be  made  that  session.  It  was  voted  to 
take  the  papers  from  the  files,  and  then  Mr.  Harlan 
asked  that  their  consideration  be  made  the  special 
order  for  twelve  o'clock  the  next  day.  After  some 
insignificant  debate  a  vote  was  taken  which  resulted 
in  favor  of  the  Iowa  Senator's  motion.150 

On  Friday,  August  15th,  at  the  appointed  time 
Senator  Eobert  M.  T.  Hunter  of  Virginia  moved  to 
postpone  the  special  order  and  take  up  the  civil 
appropriation  bill.  Mr.  Harlan  insisted  on  his  right 
to  be  heard,  and  he  had  the  support  of  Senator  John 
M.  Clayton  of  Delaware.  John  P.  Hale  of  New 
Hampshire  also  objected  to  the  postponement  of  the 
hearing  on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  question  of 
privilege.  "A  question  of  privilege",  he  said,  "is 
one  that  overrides  all  others.  .  .  .  The  very 
name  of  the  question,  being  one  of  privilege,  pre- 
vents it  from  being  thus  disposed  of."  Mr.  Hunter 
objected  to  this  argument.  "We  are  to  adjourn 
on  Monday.  We  have  no  previous  question  here; 
and  if  the  Senate  has  no  right  to  postpone  this  ques- 
tion, the  session  may  be  spoken  out."  Furthermore, 
he  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  question  had 
been  postponed  all  the  session  thus  far.  Andrew  P. 
Butler  of  South  Carolina,  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Judiciary,  maintained  that  this  was 


92  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

not  a  question  of  privilege  since  it  was  on  a  motion 
to  refer  certain  papers  to  a  committee.  It  would 
become  a  question  of  privilege  when  the  committee 
reported.  Mr.  Harlan  said  he  had  a  right  to  object 
to  being  tried  by  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 
Mr.  Bayard,  aroused  by  this  statement,  declared  he 
would  have  no  objection  to  referring  the  question  to 
any  other  committee.  "On  personal  grounds  I 
should  be  perfectly  satisfied  to  have  it  go  elsewhere, " 
he  said, l  '  though  I  cannot  say  much  for  the  courtesy 
of  the  act  which  seeks  on  the  part  of  the  individual 
himself,  without  just  ground,  to  impliedly  impute  to 
the  members  of  that  committee  prejudice,  or  a  dis- 
position to  do  wrong.  "151 

After  a  somewhat  protracted  debate  the  question 
was  put,  and  there  were  twenty-seven  votes  in  favor 
of  postponement  and  eighteen  against  it.  Twenty- 
six  Democrats  and  one  '  '  old  line ' '  Whig  voted  in  the 
affirmative ;  while  of  the  eighteen  Senators  voting  in 
the  negative  twelve  were  Eepublicans,  four  "old 
line"  Whigs,  and  two  Democrats  —  the  latter  being 
George  W.  Jones  of  Iowa,  and  David  L.  Yulee,  of 
Florida.152  During  the  remainder  of  this  session 
the  question  of  Harlan 9s  right  to  his  seat  was  not 
again  brought  up,  nor  was  any  action  taken  at  the 
short  special  session  which  followed.  "This  debate 
and  this  nearly  unanimous  vote  of  the  democratic 
Senators",  wrote  James  Harlan,  "seemed  to  me  to 
demonstrate  the  truth  of  my  conjecture.  .  .  . 
That  the  democratic  leaders  had  determined,  for 
political  reasons,  to  defer  the  discussion  and  decision 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  93 

of  my  right  to  my  seat  until  after  the  pending  Presi- 
dential election.  "153 

The  Thirty-Fourth  Congress  assembled  for  its 
third  session  on  December  1,  1856.  On  December 
15th,  George  W.  Jones  again  moved  ' '  to  take  up  the 
credentials  of  the  Hon.  James  Harlan,  which  lie  on 
the  table,  together  with  the  resolutions  of  the  Senate 
of  Iowa,  heretofore  presented,  in  regard  to  his  elec- 
tion. "  This  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  Senator 
Jones  then  moved  that  the  papers  be  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary.  Mr.  Harlan  arose  and 
stated  that  although  he  did  not  desire  to  present  any 
extensive  argument  in  support  of  his  claim,  he 
wished  to  lay  before  the  Senate  the  facts  of  the  case. 
He  then  read  the  provisions  of  the  United  States 
Constitution  relating  to  United  States  Senators,  the 
Iowa  law  providing  for  the  manner  of  holding  elec- 
tions, some  provisions  of  the  Code  of  1851,  and  the 
record  of  his  election  from  the  Journal  of  the  Iowa 
House  of  Eepresentatives.  He  said  he  felt  that  he 
was  legally  elected  and  that  the  movement  against 
him  was  for  purely  political  reasons.  To  show  the 
attitude  of  some  of  the  leading  men  of  his  own  State, 
Mr.  Harlan  read  letters  from  Judges  George  G. 
Wright  and  William  G.  Woodward  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Iowa,  from  William  Vandever,  Clerk  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Iowa,  and  from  Governor  Grimes, 
in  which  all  expressed  their  belief  in  the  legality  of 
his  election. 

In  conclusion  Senator  Harlan  said  that  in  the 
event  of  an  adverse  decision,  should  the  people  of 


94  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Iowa  desire  his  presence  there,  they  would  doubtless 
find  some  means  to  return  him,  and  if  they  should 
desire  someone  else  they  would  have  no  difficulty  in 
selecting  an  abler  and  better  man.  "I  will  not  op- 
pose the  reference  of  this  subject  to  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary, "  he  continued,  "although  I  find 
among  the  members  of  that  committee  not  one  po- 
litical friend.  Every  member  -of  that  committee  is 
politically  opposed  to  me  upon  the  questions  now  at 
issue  before  the  country. "  Nevertheless,  he  ex- 
pressed his  confidence  in  the  fairness  of  the  com- 
mittee, and  therefore  would  offer  no  objection  to  the 
reference  of  the  whole  question  to  them.154 

A  long  debate  followed  in  which  an  attempt  was 
made  to  have  the  case  referred  to  a  select  committee 
which  should  include  at  least  one  member  politically 
friendly  to  Mr.  Harlan.  But  when  the  vote  was 
taken  it  was  decided  by  a  large  majority  to  refer  the 
matter  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary.155  Not 
until  January  5,  1857,  was  the  committee  ready  to 
report.  The  report,  which  was  very  long,  was  not 
read,  except  for  the  statement  that  the  majority  of 
the  committee  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  James 
Harlan  had  not  been  duly  elected  to  his  seat  in  the 
Senate.  Both  the  majority  and  minority  reports 
were  ordered  printed,  with  the  understanding  that 
they  should  come  up  for  consideration  as  soon  as 
printed.156 

By  the  following  morning,  January  6,  the  reports 
were  printed  and  a  copy  placed  on  each  Senator's 
desk.  After  some  debate  a  motion  to  proceed  to  the 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  95 

consideration  of  the  report  was  adopted.  Mr. 
Bayard  moved  to  postpone  the  consideration  until 
the  following  day,  because  the  Senators  had  not  had 
time  to  read  the  reports  and  .become  conversant  with 
the  facts.  "I  do  not  wish  to  insist  on  a  premature 
decision  of  this  question",  replied  Mr.  Harlan.  "It 
will  be  remembered  by  the  Senate,  however,  that  this 
protest  has  been  lying  on  the  table  of  the  Senate  for 
nearly  two  years."  It  had  been  before  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Judiciary  since  December  16th,  and 
ample  time  had  been  given  for  thorough  investiga- 
tion. He  thought  it  was  due  to  his  State  to  have  the 
question  settled  before  the  adjournment  of  the  Iowa 
legislature,  which  would  continue  in  session  for  per- 
haps twenty  days  longer.157 

Mr.  Butler,  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  sup- 
ported the  Iowa  Senator  in  his  desire  to  have  the 
matter  disposed  of  at  once.  Mr.  Bayard  still  insisted 
that  more  time  should  be  given  for  the  reading  of 
the  reports.  "The  question  must  be  discussed",  he 
said.  William  Bigler  of  Pennsylvania  suggested 
that  if  they  should  proceed  without  further  delay  to 
the  consideration  of  the  question  it  would  receive 
ample  discussion  as  both  sides  of  the  case  would  un- 
doubtedly be  presented  in  detail.  Senator  George 
E.  Pugh  thought  that  since  the  report  was  long  and 
contained  much  irrelevant  material  it  would  be  bet- 
ter if  the  chairman  should  simply  relate  the  facts  in 
the  case  and  state  the  conclusions  of  the  committee. 
With  this  suggestion  the  reading  of  the  report  was 
dispensed  with  and  Mr.  Butler  took  the  floor.158 


96  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

"As  I  have  before  said,  Mr.  President, "  began 
the  courteous,  dignified  Senator  from  South  Caro- 
lina, "this  case  is  not  without  its  difficulties.  It 
certainly  does  involve,  in  my  opinion,  grave  consid- 
eration affecting  the  organization  of  the  Federal  and 
State  governments.  I  do  not  say  that  I  am  so  far 
wedded  to  my  opinions  that  I  would  not  readily 
change  them ;  but  I  am  sure  that  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  will  understand  me  fairly  when  I  declare  that 
I  really  stand  in  a  condition  of  indifferency  so  far  as 
regards  the  effect  which  the  decision  of  the  question 
may  have  on  him,  or  any  person  who  wants  his  seat. ' ' 

Mr.  Butler  then  proceeded  to  relate  the  essential 
facts  of  the  report.  He  described  in  detail  the  long 
history  of  the  election;  how  the  two  houses  of  the 
Iowa  legislature  had  met  day  after  day  in  joint  con- 
vention in  the  fruitless  attempt  to  elect  a  Senator, 
and  how  at  last  the  result  had  been  accomplished. 
In  his  opinion  ' '  the  election  was  made  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  with  a  few  Senators,  and  those 
Senators  were  not  brought  there  by  any  communica- 
tion with  the  Senate  as  a  body  —  as  a  component 
part  of  the  Legislature  of  Iowa".  He  then  had  the 
Secretary  read  the  act  passed  in  1847  by  the  General 
Assembly  of  Iowa,  regulating  the  manner  of  electing 
United  States  Senators.  According  to  this  act  he 
argued  that  there  could  be  no  joint  convention  unless 
both  houses  were  present;  and  that  if  it  was  not  a 
convention  of  both  houses  it  was  not  the  legislature 
and  was  therefore  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.  The  Senate  was  not  present,  nor 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  97 

were  the  few  Senators  who  attended  present  in  their 
official  capacity.  If  the  Iowa  law  could  be  construed 
to  delegate  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  the 
power  to  thus  perform  functions  which  were  entrust- 
ed to  the  legislature  as  a  whole,  it  was  clearly 
unconstitutional. 

Furthermore,  the  South  Carolina  Senator  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  president  of  the  Senate 
had  not  been  present  at  the  joint  convention,  but 
that  a  president  pro  tempore,  a  Senator,  had  been 
chosen  to  preside  over  the  convention.  This  was  in 
palpable  violation  of  the  Iowa  law  which  stipulated 
that  in  the  absence  of  the  president  of  the  Senate, 
the  speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  should 
be  the  presiding  officer  of  the  convention.  But  the 
joint  convention  had  been  illegal  in  another  respect, 
continued  the  Senator.  ' i  Each  House  had  a  right  to 
appoint  its  own  teller,  but  when  they  went  in  on  this 
occasion,  and  made  this  election  by  this  convention, 
or  this  mass  meeting,  as  I  contend  it  was,  the  teller 
of  the  Senate  was  not  there.  The  judge  who  had 
derived  his  authority  from  the  Senate  —  and  a  judge 
of  the  election  might  have  been  a  very  important 
officer  —  the  judge  of  the  election  appointed  by  the 
Senate  as  such  was  not  present. ' ' 

These  facts,  stated  Senator  Butler,  led  him  to  the 
conclusion  that,  according  to  a  strict  construction  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  Iowa 
law,  the  election  had  been  illegal.  He  had  stated  the 
case  as  simply  as  possible,  and  now  yielded  the  floor 
to  Senator  Robert  Toombs  of  Georgia  who  would 


98  SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

state  the  position  of  the  minority  of  the  committee.159 
The  Senator  from  Georgia  plunged  at  once  into 
the  midst  of  the  subject.  "The  question  made  by 
the  protest  of  the  Senate  of  Iowa,  which  is  the  only 
contest  made  in  this  case,"  he  declared,  "is  solely 
upon  the  point  that  they  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
joint  convention.  .  .  .  Thus  the  question  pre- 
sented on  the  record,  by  the  issue  made  by  the  Senate 
of  Iowa,  is  as  to  the  fact  whether  or  not  they,  as  a 
Senate,  had  official  notice  of  the  meeting  at  which 
the  sitting  member  was  elected. ' '  In  his  opinion  the 
fact  that  the  Senate  did  not  attend  the  joint  con- 
vention in  a  body  did  not  vitiate  the  election.  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  provided  that 
Senators  should  be  chosen  by  the  legislatures  of  the 
various  States.  In  Iowa  the  legislature  was  com- 
posed of  a  Senate  and  a  House  of  Eepresentatives. 
Congress  had  not  exercised  the  power  vested  in  it  to 
regulate  the  time  and  manner  of  electing  Senators, 
and  as  a  consequence  the  legislature  of  Iowa  had 
enacted  a  law  covering  these  points  as  far  as  Iowa 
was  concerned.  This  law  stipulated  that  United 
States  Senators  should  be  elected  by  a  joint  con- 
vention of  the  two  houses  of  the  legislature.  But 
"to  prevent  the  success  of  factious  efforts  to  defeat 
an  election  at  the  proper  time,  and  thus  to  defeat  the 
will  of  the  majority  of  the  constitutional  electors", 
the  law  wisely  provided  that  the  joint  convention 
should  have  the  power  to  prolong  its  own  existence 
by  adjourning  from  time  to  time  until  someone  was 
elected. 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  99 

Governing  themselves  by  this  law  the  two  houses 
of  the  General  Assembly  met  in  joint  convention. 
Failing  to  elect  on  the  first  day  the  convention  ad- 
journed, and  so  on  for  several  successive  days,  until 
Friday,  January  5, 1855,  when  after  several  fruitless 
ballots  it  adjourned  until  the  following  morning  at 
ten  o'clock.  The  members  of  the  Senate,  as  a  part 
of  the  joint  convention,  were  present  when  the  ad- 
journment took  place,  as  was  shown  by  their  own 
Journal.  Moreover,  they  themselves  concurred  in 
this  adjournment  and  heard  it  announced  by  their 
own  president.  As  a  consequence  they  had  full  and 
ample  notice  of  the  time  for  the  reassembling  of  the 
joint  convention.  In  spite  of  this  fact  the  Senate 
met  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth,  before  the  time  for 
the  convention,  and  adjourned  until  the  following 
Monday.  As  a  result  when  the  messenger  from  the 
House  entered  the  Senate  chamber  to  announce 
that  the  House  was  waiting,  which  announcement 
was  a  mere  act  of  courtesy  and  not  necessary,  no 
Senate  could  be  found. 

A  number  of  the  Senators,  however,  continued 
Senator  Toombs,  entered  the  hall  of  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives  and  the  joint  convention,  "com- 
posed not  of  a  minority,  but  of  a  majority,  of  all  the 
persons  upon  whom  this  duty  devolved  by  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  and  the  law  of  Iowa, 
proceeded  to  choose  a  Senator  to  represent  that 
State  in  this  body.  There  was  present  a  full  quorum 
of  the  electors.  The  electors  were  the  Senators  and 
Eepresentatives  of  Iowa.  .  .  .  The  question  was 


100         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

then  made  that  the  Senate  was  not  there  as  a  Senate ; 
and  I  say  they  could  not  be  under  this  law  of  Iowa, 
but  the  joint  convention  was  there.  The  law  of  Iowa 
declared,  that  in  the  absence  of  all  other  rules,  they 
should  be  governed  by  Jefferson 's  Manual.  Accord- 
ing to  that  manual,  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
joint  convention  then  assembled,  if  there  had  not 
been  a  Senator  present,  were  competent  to  perform 
the  duty  which  the  law  devolved  upon  the  joint  con- 
vention. "  Accordingly,  the  joint  convention  as 
organized  on  the  morning  of  January  6,  1855,  even 
though  the  Senate  was  not  present  as  an  official  body, 
was  fully  competent  to  elect  a  United  States  Senator. 

Taking  up  the  point  of  the  necessity  of  giving  an 
official  notice  to  the  Senate  of  the  time  for  the  ad- 
journed meeting  of  the  joint  convention,  Mr.  Toombs 
declared  that  no  such  notice  was  required  either  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  or  by  the  Iowa 
law.  Eeplying  to  the  objection  that  the  law  had  been 
violated  in  respect  to  the  presiding  officer,  he  stated 
that  the  speaker  of  the  House  had  been  present,  had 
presided  and  put  the  questions,  that  during  the  prog- 
ress of  the  convention  a  president  pro  tempore  had 
been  chosen,  but  that  both  the  speaker  of  the  House 
and  the  president  pro  tempore  had  signed  the  pro- 
ceedings. Finally,  as  far  as  the  tellers  were  con- 
cerned their  duties  were  purely  ministerial.  They 
had  only  to  record  and  count  the  votes,  and  they 
could  in  no  way  affect  the  election.160 

Thus  both  sides  of  this  complicated  election  case 
were  ably  presented  to  the  members  of  the  United 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  T01 

States  Senate.  In  the  long  and  earnest  debate  which 
continued  almost  without  interruption  until  January 
12th  a  number  of  the  most  prominent  members  of 
the  Senate  participated.  In  the  main  the  arguments 
were  the  same  as  those  presented  by  Senators  Butler 
and  Toombs.  Among  those  upholding  Mr.  Butler's 
view  of  the  case  were  Senators  Henry  S.  Geyer, 
James  A.  Bayard,  Charles  E.  Stuart,  Isaac  Toucey, 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  and  Judah  P.  Benjamin.  Of 
those  supporting  Eobert  Toombs  in  his  contention 
that  James  Harlan  was  legally  entitled  to  his  seat 
were  Senators  William  H.  Seward,  George  E.  Pugh, 
John  P.  Hale,  William  P.  Fessenden,  Lafayette  S. 
Foster,  and  Lyman  Trumbull.161 

Finally,  on  January  12, 1857,  a  vote  was  taken  on 
a  motion  which  had  been  made  by  Senator  Toombs 
amending  the  resolution  of  the  majority  report  of 
the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  so  that  it  would 
read:  "Resolved,  That  JAMES  HAKLAN  is  entitled  to 
his  seat  as  a  Senator  from  Iowa. ' '  The  amendment 
was  lost  by  a  vote  of  twenty-seven  to  eighteen. 
Thereupon  the  resolution  declaring  that  James  Har- 
lan was  not  entitled  to  his  seat  was  put  to  a  vote. 
There  were  twenty-eight  votes  in  the  affirmative  and 
eighteen  in  the  negative,  and  the  seat  which  James 
Harlan  had  held  for  over  a  year  was  declared 
vacant.162 

"To  all  impartial  thinkers,  as  it  seems  to  me, 
this  objection  to  the  legality  of  my  election  must  ap- 
pear to  be  merely  technical  and  not  substantial ", 
was  James  Harlan 's  comment  on  this  adverse  turn 


102         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

in  his  fortunes.  "Nevertheless  I  did  not  then,  and 
do  not  now  think  that  those  who  maintained  that  it 
constituted  a  substantial  defect  were  dishonest.  It 
is  an  illustration,  however,  of  the  psychological  effect 
of  strong  desire  on  the  human  judgment.  Had  I 
been  a  member  of  the  Democratic  party  I  have  not 
the  slightest  doubt  that  my  election  would  have  been 
held  by  a  majority  of  the  United  States  Senators  to 
have  been  valid."163 

The  question  of  the  legality  of  the  first  election  of 
James  Harlan  is  a  difficult  one  to  decide.  Strong 
arguments  can  be  presented  on  both  sides.  The 
least  that  can  be  said  of  it  is  that  it  was  unusual. 
Perhaps  the  decision  reached  by  the  United  States 
Senate,  even  though  influenced  by  party  prejudice, 
was  the  most  satisfactory  to  all  concerned.  It  came 
as  a  balm  to  the  wounded  feelings  of  Harlan 's  ene- 
mies, both  Democratic  and  Eepublican.  And  as  far 
as  James  Harlan  himself  was  concerned,  it  deprived 
him  for  only  a  short  time  of  his  seat  in  the  Senate, 
for  he  was  soon  reflected  in  an  entirely  regular  man- 
ner which  left  no  doubt  as  to  its  legality. 

The  vote  declaring  that  James  Harlan  was  not 
entitled  to  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  was 
taken  at  about  three  o'clock  on  January  12,  1857, 
and  at  four  o'clock  on  the  same  afternoon  the  un- 
seated Senator  was  on  his  way  to  Iowa  City.  Forced 
to  remain  for  nearly  a  day  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsyl- 
vania, he  there  witnessed  the  exciting  election  of 
Simon  Cameron  to  a  vacant  seat  in  the  United  States 


* 


CONTESTED  ELECTION  103 

Senate.  Proceeding  on  Ms  journey  on  the  following 
day,  lie  finally  reached  Iowa  City  on  Friday  night, 
January  16th,  after  many  delays  caused  by  the  ex- 
cessive cold  and  the  deep  snow.164 

The  news  of  the  Senate's  action  had  been  tele- 
graphed ahead;  and  so  when  Harlan  arrived  at  the 
State  capital  he  found  that  his  friends  had  every- 
thing in  readiness  to  reelect  him  and  that  they  were 
only  awaiting  his  presence.  On  the  following  after- 
noon, January  17,  1857,  at  three  o'clock  the  two 
houses  of  the  legislature  met  in  joint  convention  and 
every  Eepublican  legislator  cast  his  vote  for  James 
Harlan.  Out  of  ninety-nine  votes  Harlan  received 
sixty-three,  W.  F.  Coolbaugh  thirty-five,  and  Wins- 
low  F.  Barker  one.  Thus,  beyond  all  possibility  of 
dispute  James  Harlan  was  chosen  to  fill  out  his  un- 
expired  term  which  would  end  March  4,  1861.165 
That  evening  Senator  Harlan  was  given  a  reception 
by  the  Eepublican  members  of  the  legislature  in  the 
Senate  chamber  of  the  Old  Stone  Capitol.166 

Believing  it  to  be  his  duty  to  return  at  once  to  his 
post  at  the  national  capital,  Senator  Harlan  left 
Iowa  City  on  Monday,  January  19th.  He  drove 
sixty  miles  across  the  country  in  a  sleigh  to  his  home 
at  Mt.  Pleasant,  where  he  remained  only  a  few  days, 
and  then  hastened  on  to  Washington.  On  Thursday, 
January  29,  1857,  the  credentials  of  his  reelection 
were  presented  by  Lyman  Trumbull  of  Illinois,  the 
oath  of  office  was  administered,  and  again  James 
Harlan  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate 
amid  the  congratulations  of  his  friends.167 


THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES  IN  1858 

THE  extension  or  restriction  of  slavery  was  the  great 
national  issue  during  the  senatorial  contest  which 
terminated  in  Iowa  in  January,  1858.  The  heritage 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  with  its  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty  was  being  reaped  in  "bleeding 
Kansas ' ',  and  in  Iowa  the  struggle  was  watched  with 
feverish  interest.  The  Lecompton  fraud  fanned  to 
fury  the  blaze  of  indignation  already  kindled  by  the 
Dred  Scott  Decision.  Even  the  Democrats  con- 
demned this  new  attempt  to  subvert  all  principles  of 
popular  government.  Thus  it  became  evident  that 
no  man  who  favored  the  admission  of  Kansas  with 
the  Lecompton  Constitution  could  receive  the  sup- 
port of  either  party  for  the  senatorship.  Within  the 
State  sectional  jealousy  and  bitter  personal  animos- 
ity characterized  the  campaign. 

As  early  as  September  a  war  was  being  waged 
at  Dubuque  between  two  parties,  known  as  the 
Montagues  and  the  Capulets,  under  the  leadership 
of  George  W.  Jones  and  Thomas  S.  Wilson  respec- 
tively. These  men  were  old-time  rivals  for  political 
office.  Ten  years  before  they  had  both  been  candi- 
dates for  the  senatorship  and  Jones  had  been  the 
victor.  Now  their  ambitions  once  more  brought 

104 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        105 

them  into  conflict.  Jones  wished  to  be  reflected  to 
the  position  which  he  must  vacate  March  4,  1859; 
while  Wilson  was  equally  desirous  of  securing  the 
seat  in  the  Senate  to  which  he  had  so  long  aspired. 
"They  are  each  exerting  every  power  to  secure  the 
mastery  over  the  other ",  wrote  a  Republican  editor 
who  endeavored  by  every  means  to  foster  the  bitter- 
ness between  the  two  men.  ' '  They  are  provided  with 
newspaper  organs,  which  advocate  the  claims  of 
their  respective  prototypes,  and  puff  and  blow  like 
liliputian  whales  at  one  another. mcs  At  another 
time  the  same  editor  declared  that  Wilson  "had 
sunk  himself  in  the  mud  so  deep  as  to  be  almost 
entirely  out  of  sight  before  his  shameful  attack  on 
the  General;  and  now  he  is  morally  and  politically 
dead  and  buried. ' '  Jones,  on  the  other  hand,  seemed 
to  realize  that  he  had  been  ' '  elevated  higher  than  his 
talents  will  bear"  and  was  resorting  to  self-debase- 
ment to  bring  himself  down.  But  the  combatants 
were  advised  not  to  "quarrel  about  a  silver  spoon " 
until  they  knew  that  one  of  them  was  to  have  it.169 
Meanwhile,  in  the  State  at  large  a  great  deal  of 
interest  was  being  manifested  in  political  affairs. 
The  excitement  of  the  campaign  for  the  election  of 
State  officers  was  at  its  height,  and  never  before  was 
so  much  emphasis  placed  on  the  importance  of  the 
political  complexion  of  the  General  Assembly.  Pub- 
lic attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that  President 
Buchanan  endorsed  the  doctrine  of  Calhoun  that 
slavery  existed  wherever  the  Federal  Constitution 
prevailed  as  the  supreme  law,  and  that  every  Demo- 


106         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

cratic  member  of  the  legislature  would  give  Ms  vote 
for  a  United  States  Senator  who  would  stand  by  this 
doctrine.170  " Finally",  declared  one  editor,  "if  the 
Democracy  have  the  majority  in  the  Legislature, 
they  will  send  that  pro-slavery  doughface  Gen.  Jones 
back  to  the  U.  S.  Senate,  or  some  gentleman  equally 
well  adapted  for  clay  to  the  hands  of  Southern  pot- 
ters."171 It  was  even  claimed  that  the  Democratic 
leaders  would  willingly  barter  off  their  Governor  for 
a  Senator.  "The  question  is  not  simply  who  shall 
be  our  State  officers,  but  mainly,  shall  Iowa  be  repre- 
sented in  the  National  Legislature  by  a  groveling 
pro-slavery  sycophant,  or  by  an  upright,  conscien- 
tious, freedom-loving  Bepublican?"172 

At  the  election  which  was  held  on  October  13, 
1857,  the  Eepublicans  succeeded  in  electing  their 
entire  State  ticket  and  in  securing  a  substantial  ma- 
jority in  both  houses  of  the  legislature.  Henceforth, 
with  the  exception  of  the  ridiculous  contest  which 
continued  to  furnish  excitement  at  Dubuque,  the 
senatorial  campaign  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  ad- 
herents of  the  new  and  victorious  party.  The 
certainty  that  George  W.  Jones  could  no  longer  hope 
to  be  returned  to  the  Senate  elicited  a  satirical  com- 
ment from  a  Chicago  newspaper  writer,  who  was 
interested  in  the  outcome  in  Iowa.  "A  light  is  ex- 
tinguished in  our  sister  State  beyond  the  Missis- 
sippi", he  said,  "and  gloom  falls  over  the  northwest. 
Jones  is  no  more!  Four  days  ago  he  shone  with 
comet  lustre  in  the  galaxy  of  the  unwashed;  now, 
'sick  almost  to  doomesday  with  eclipse.'  As  Dodge 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        107 

—  lost  Pleiad  —  sailed  from  the  space  two  years  ago, 
so  Jones  wanders  away  to  bear  him  company  in  the 
regions  of  the  infinite  Nowhere.  Par  nobile  discom- 
fited demagogues !  .  .  .  Dodge  was  the  embodied 
genius  of  the  doughface. —  Jones  never  attained  that 
dignity."173 

The  locality  from  which  the  new  Senator  should 
be  chosen  immediately  became  an  important  consid- 
eration, and  sectional  antagonism  threatened  to  pre- 
vent a  calm  selection  based  on  fitness  and  training 
for  the  position.  The  northern  part  of  the  State  in- 
sisted that  George  W.  Jones 's  successor  should  come 
from  that  section,  since  the  southern  half  already 
had  one  Senator,  in  the  person  of  James  Harlan. 
Party  leaders  in  the  southern  counties  were  equally 
determined  that  one  of  their  number  should  go  to  the 
Senate,  although  they  professed  to  stand  for  the 
choice  of  the  best  man  irrespective  of  locality. 

One  of  the  earliest  to  enter  the  race  for  the  sena- 
torship  was  William  Penn  Clarke  of  Iowa  City.  He 
was  a  man  of  strong  anti-slavery  principles,  who  had 
taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  organization  of  the 
Eepublican  party  in  the  State  and  who  had  attended 
the  preliminary  Eepublican  National  Convention  at 
Pittsburgh  in  February,  1856.174  Consequently  it 
was  natural  that  he  should  aspire  to  a  reward  at  the 
hands  of  his  party.  James  Thorington,  a  leading 
lawyer  of  Davenport,  was  another  man  whose  name 
was  among  the  first  to  be  prominently  mentioned. 
He  had  just  finished  a  successful  term  as  Congress- 
man from  the  Second  District,  and  his  efforts  to 


108         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

secure  railroad  land  grants  had  made  him  many 
friends  in  the  favored  sections  of  the  State,  as  well 
as  many  enemies  in  the  regions  not  directly  bene- 
fited by  the  grants.175  A  little  later  Frederick  E. 
Bissell,  a  successful  Dubuque  attorney,  was  brought 
out  by  his  friends  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State.176 
But  by  far  the  best  known  and  most  promising 
candidate  for  the  senatorship  from  the  beginning 
was  James  W.  Grimes  of  Burlington.  His  term  as 
Governor  which  was  about  to  expire  witnessed 
events  and  movements  which  make  it  one  of  the  most 
significant  periods  of  Iowa  history.  His  election  to 
the  governorship  in  1854  was  the  first  sign  of  the 
ascendancy  of  the  new  party  which  was  to  hold  un- 
broken sway  in  the  State  for  thirty-five  years,  and 
James  W.  Grimes,  more  than  any  other  man,  de- 
served the  title  sometimes  given  him  of  "Father  of 
Republicanism  in  Iowa ' '.  In  1855  a  revolution  in  the 
ideas  of  temperance  reform  brought  about  the  enact- 
ment of  a  rigid  prohibitory  law.  Two  years  later  a 
new  State  Constitution  was  adopted,  and  the  capital 
was  moved  from  Iowa  City  to  Des  Moines.  During 
this  period  the  State  received  a  substantial  increase 
in  population  through  the  immigration  of  thousands 
of  sober,  industrious,  home-seekers  from  the  east. 
By  1856  the  railroad  was  beginning  to  push  its  lines 
of  steel  across  the  prairies  toward  the  Missouri 
Eiver,  and  Grimes 's  efforts  to  aid  this  advance 
earned  for  him  the  name  of  "The  Great  Missouri 
Eiver  Opener".  In  all  these  important  movements 
James  W.  Grimes  took  a  definite  and  active  part. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        109 

The  result  was  that  at  the  close  of  his  governorship 
he  had  a  host  of  friends  in  all  parts  of  the  State  who 
were  anxious  to  confer  upon  him  the  higher  honor  of 
the  senatorship.  He  thus  had  the  advantage  of  sup- 
port in  all  sections  of  the  State,  while  his  opponents 
could  only  depend  with  any  degree  of  assurance  upon 
the  votes  of  a  portion  of  the  legislators  from  their 
own  section. 

And  yet,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  probably 
the  most  popular  man  in  the  State,  Grimes  could  by 
no  means  be  certain  of  election  without  a  vigorous 
campaign.  Not  only  was  he  confronted  with  the 
problem  of  overcoming  the  claims  of  a  number  of 
rival  candidates  based  largely  on  sectional  prejudice, 
but  he  had  many  enemies  within  the  ranks  of  his  own 
party  whose  highest  aim  for  the  time  being  was  to 
defeat  him.  Consequently,  the  senatorial  contest  ex- 
cited much  interest  during  the  winter  months.  '  '  The 
prospect  for  a  glorious  black  republican  scramble  for 
office  at  the  sitting  of  the  Legislature  is  good,"  was 
the  anticipation  of  a  Democratic  editor,  "and  we 
expect  some  fun."177 

William  Penn  Clarke  early  in  the  campaign  wrote 
letters  to  a  large  number  of  the  legislators  elect,  but 
a  majority  of  the  replies  were  not  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  be  particularly  encouraging.  "I  will  be  frank 
to  admit  to  you  that  I  both  have  my  mind  made  up 
and  have  promised  my  aid  —  My  first  choice  is  Jim 
Thorington",  was  an  answer  which  came  from  Tip- 
ton.  The  writer  stated  that  he  favored  Thorington 
because  he  felt  that  injustice  had  been  done  him  by 


110         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

not  returning  him  to  Congress,  and  because  he  could 
command  the  greatest  strength  against  Grimes.178 
"I  am  entirely  unpledged  and  in  fact  think  I  should 
remain  so,  and  when  the  time  for  action  comes  en- 
deavor to  do  what  will  be  best  for  the  party  and 
through  its  success  the  best  good  for  the  state  & 
nation",  was  the  patriotic  but  non-committal  re- 
sponse from  a  resident  of  the  Quaker  community  of 
Springdale.179  "  While  I  would  express  no  prefer- 
ence as  between  you  &  Bissell",  came  a  reply  from 
Des  Moines,  "allow  me  to  say  to  you  that  which 
ever  of  you  may  have  the  best  show  I  think  that  I 
can  bring  at  least  ten  votes  to  your  support,  or  to  the 
support  of  any  man  opposed  to  Grimes".180  Indeed, 
the  correspondents  for  the  most  part  seemed  exceed- 
ingly wary  about  making  any  definite  promises. 

James  Thorington  entered  into  the  contest  with 
all  his  strength,  and  with  valuable  experience  gained 
in  his  campaign  three  years  before  for  the  position 
of  Eepresentative  in  Congress.  On  October  23rd  he 
wrote  to  James  Harlan  informing  him  of  his  decision 
to  enter  the  race  for  an  office  which  he  felt  was  due 
to  him  as  a  reward  for  his  services  to  the  Eepublican 
party  and  to  the  State.  At  the  same  time  he  ex- 
pressed his  determination  to  remain  true  to  the 
cause  even  though  he  should  not  be  elected.  '  '  Be  this 
as  it  may",  he  said,  "the  party  shall  not  have  the 
opportunity  of  pleading  ignorance  of  my  wishes."181 

It  was  stated  on  good  authority  that  immediately 
after  the  result  of  the  fall  election  was  known,  a 
certain  State  officer  who  was  interested  in  the  elec- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        111 

tion  of  James  W.  Grimes  wrote  to  each  of  the 
successful  Eepublican  candidates  for  the  legislature 
inquiring  as  to  his  preference  for  United  States 
Senator.  In  reply  "a  majority  of  all  of  them,  in 
confidence  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  the  elec- 
tion of  James  W.  Grimes";  and  the  State  officer 
"forwarded  these  several  letters,  as  fast  as  received, 
to  Mr.  Grimes,  and  informed  the  several  writers  who 
so  committed  themselves  that  he  had  done  so."182 

Thus  the  leading  candidates  for  the  senatorship 
endeavored  to  determine  in  advance  the  number  of 
votes  they  could  expect  to  receive.  Neither  Freder- 
ick E.  Bis  sell  nor  Judge  William  Smyth  of  Linn 
County,  whose  name  was  added  to  the  list  of 
aspirants,  seem  to  have  made  a  very  strenuous 
campaign. 

The  contest  soon  resolved  itself  into  a  purely 
personal  and  sectional  struggle  in  which  every  con- 
ceivable pretext  was  made  the  basis  of  an  attempt 
to  discredit  James  W.  Grimes.  It  was  insinuated,  if 
not  openly  charged,  that  he  was  using  the  funds  of 
the  executive  office  to  carry  on  his  senatorial  cam- 
paign. "The  strife  for  the  Senatorship  is  still 
raging,  as  numerous  *  little  jokers'  bearing  those 
ominous  words:  ' charge  Executive  Department,' 
testify",  was  the  comment  of  a  Democratic  neighbor 
of  the  Governor.  ' '  i  That 's  the  way  the  money  goes 
—  pop  goes  the  weasel. '  The  question  is,  who  pays 
the  piper  while  the  ex-Governor  dances  to  the  tune 
of  a  Senatorship?"183 

The  part  which  Grimes  played  in  securing  the 


112         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

removal  of  the  capital  from  Iowa  City  to  Des  Moines 
was  painted  in  dark  colors  by  his  enemies,  and  was 
used  with  telling  effect  in  some  localities.  One  hos- 
tile politician  even  went  so  far  as  to  write  that  "if 
we  can  get  at  the  facts  in  the  case  of  the  Removal 
of  the  Capitol,  and  particularly  Grimes '  figuring  he 
can  be  knocked  higher  than  ever  baloon  ascend- 
ed."184 William  Penn  Clarke  seemed  to  share  this 
hope  and  belief,  for  he  wrote  to  James  Harlan  that 
one  means  which  could  be  used  to  defeat  Grimes 
would  be  to  expose  his  "official  corruption "  in  con- 
nection with  the  capital  removal,  "which,  if  the  facts 
can  be  obtained  in  some  tangible  shape,  ought  to 
damn  him".185  It  must  be  remembered  in  this  con- 
nection that  William  Penn  Clarke  lived  in  Iowa  City, 
and  in  common  with  his  fellow  citizens  was  sorely 
disappointed  at  the  removal  of  the  capital.  This 
charge  was  also  taken  up  by  some  of  the  opposition 
newspapers,186  but  it  had  little  effect  except  with 
those  who  were  angry  at  the  change  of  location  of 
the  capital  or  who  welcomed  any  attack  on  Grimes. 
Another  movement  of  opposition  might  have 
caused  Grimes  no  little  anxiety  if  it  had  met  with 
the  approval  of  the  man  in  whose  interest  it  was 
supposed  to  have  originated.  Early  in  the  contest 
it  began  to  be  whispered  about  among  the  friends  of 
James  Harlan  that  the  election  of  Grimes  now  would 
mean  the  defeat  of  their  favorite  for  reelection  two 
years  later.  The  argument  was  that  if  Grimes  were 
chosen  both  Senators  would  live  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  State,  and  that  the  next  Senator  must  neces- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        113 

sarily  be  elected  from  the  north,  thus  leaving  Harlan 
in  the  cold.  This  possibility  caused  considerable 
alarm  among  Harlan 's  admirers,  as  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  Harlan  received  numerous  letters  warning 
him  of  the  danger  and  urging  him  to  tell  them  how  to 
act.  *  '  If  this  disposition  of  you,  is  with  your  consent 
it  is  all  right,  but  if  not,  your  friends  should  make 
active  and  immediate  efforts  to  counteract  it",  wrote 
A.  W.  Hackley  of  Dubuque.187  "The  editor  of  one 
of  our  northern  Eepublican  papers,  told  me  a  few 
days  ago  that  Gov.  Grimes  openly  tells  the  northern 
Republicans  to  wait  two  years  longer  for  a  U.  S. 
Senator ",  came  the  admonition  from  Iowa  City.188 
William  Penn  Clarke,  who  was  probably  influenced 
as  much  by  his  own  ambition  as  by  his  anxiety  for 
James  Harlan 's  reelection  two  years  later,  wrote 
asking  Harlan  to  use  his  influence  to  defeat 
Grimes.189 

"It  seemed  to  me  marvelous  that  Mr.  Clarke,  the 
writer  of  the  foregoing  letter  could  have  believed 
that  he  had  the  least  prospect  of  an  election  to  a  seat 
in  the  United  States  Senate ",  was  James  Harlan 's 
comment  in  later  years.  "But  it  did  not  seem  to  me 
to  be  proper  that  I  should  attempt  to  control  the 
election  of  my  colleague.  And  the  method  suggested 
by  him  to  defeat  the  election. of  Governor  Grimes, 
was,  to  my  mind,  excessively  weak,  to  call  it  by  no 
more  odious  name."190  It  is  evident,  however,  that 
Harlan  secretly  took  more  interest  in  the  contest 
than  this  statement  would  indicate,  for  two  weeks 
before  the  opening  of  the  legislature  he  wrote  to 

8 


114         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

William  Penn  Clarke,  suggesting  various  possibili- 
ties and  dangers  in  the  campaign  against  Grimes.191 
But  Harlan  did  not  openly  support  the  opposition  to 
Grimes,  and  so  the  attempt  to  make  capital  out  of 
the  possible  clash  between  his  interests  and  those  of 
Grimes  had  little  effect  in  causing  defection  from 
the  latter. 

As  has  been  intimated,  the  strongest  argument 
used  against  James  W.  Grimes  was  the  sectional 
plea.  The  southern  half  of  the  State  already  had 
one  United  States  Senator,  one  Congressman,  and  a 
majority  of  the  State  officers.  It  was,  therefore,  not 
illogical  to  argue  that  the  new  Senator  should  come 
from  the  north.  If  the  north  had  been  able  to  unite 
on  some  strong  candidate  it  is  probable,  or  at  least 
possible,  that  the  sectional  issue  would  have  defeated 
Grimes  in  spite  of  his  popularity  in  all  parts  of  the 
State.  But  Frederick  E.  Bissell,  the  only  strictly 
northern  candidate  of  any  prominence,  was  scarcely 
known  in  political  circles  outside  of  Dubuque,  and 
hence  sectional  loyalty  was  not  strong  enough  to 
overcome  personal  admiration  among  Grimes 's 
friends  even  in  the  north. 

Another  objection  to  Grimes  shows  the  peculiar 
mental  gymnastics  in  which  some  men  indulged  in 
their  desire  to  hatch  up  reasons  for  his  defeat.  The 
Eepublican  party,  as  has  been  suggested,  had  been 
organized  by  a  union  of  former  Whigs,  Anti-Ne- 
braska Democrats  and  Free-Soilers.  It  was  now 
suggested  that  since  thus  far  the  offices  had  been 
given  to  former  Whigs,  the  new  Senator  should  be 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        115 

chosen  from  among  one  of  the  other  elements,  pref- 
erably from  among  those  who  had  formerly  been 
Democrats.192 

Descending  to  purely  personal  matters  it  appears 
that  James  W.  Grimes  was  taunted  with  being 
slovenly  in  dress  and  appearance  and  unsocial  and 
surly  by  nature.  Both  Harlan  and  Grimes  were 
referred  to  in  a  Democratic  journal  as  "icebergs 
floating  at  random  in  the  sea  of  politics ;  avoided  by 
all  warmer  natures  as  much  as  possible  and  when 
passed  by  other  members,  causing  a  shiver  by  the 
cold  and  formal  nod  of  the  head  and  the  surly  'good 
morning.'  m93 

Meanwhile  Grimes  and  his  friends  were  quietly 
at  work.  A  number  of  the  strongest  Eepublican 
newspapers  in  the  State  warmly  supported  his  cause, 
and  all  the  indications  of  popular  sentiment  re- 
mained decidedly  in  his  favor. 

A  strange  and  somewhat  amusing  side  attraction 
throughout  this  contest  was  the  struggle  which  con- 
tinued with  unabated  fury  at  Dubuque  between 
George  W.  Jones  and  Thomas  S.  Wilson.  "All  the 
arts  of  diplomacy  have  failed  to  bring  about  a  recon- 
ciliation, or  to  stay  the  rage  and  confusion  of  the 
battle ",  was  the  comment  in  a  Dubuque  newspaper 
as  late  as  December  19th.  "The  Generals  are  har- 
anguing their  armies,  and  urging  them  to  contumacy 
and  cowardice.  Each  represents  his  opponent  as  his 
personal  enemy  —  the  enemy  of  his  party,  his  coun- 
try and  his  Senatorial  interests.  "194  The  reasons 
for  maintaining  this  senseless  warfare,  when  it  was 


116         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

certain  that  neither  Jones  nor  Wilson  could  gain  the 
senatorship,  are  difficult  to  understand.  But  the  ex- 
planation given  at  the  time  was  that  Jones  wished 
the  complimentary  vote  of  his  party  as  a  recom- 
mendation with  which  to  apply  to  President  Bu- 
chanan for  a  good  position  after  retiring  from  his 
seat  in  the  Senate. 

By  the  time  the  Seventh  General  Assembly  met 
at  Des  Moines  on  January  11,  1858,  all  of  the  candi- 
dates and  issues  of  the  contest  were  fairly  before  the 
legislators.  Alvin  Saunders  writing  to  James  Har- 
lan  said  that  the  town  was  full  of  outsiders  ready  to 
be  ' i  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  their  country ' '.  It  was 
his  opinion  that  unless  the  north  united  on  some 
strong  man  and  worked  hard  for  him  James  W. 
Grimes  would  be  elected.  But,  he  said,  "he  will  at 
least  feel,  before  he  fully  secures  all  the  votes,  that 
the  servant  is  not  greater  than  his  master  &  that  he 
must  humble  himself  as  a  little  child  before  he  enters 
his  kingdom/'195 

Correspondents  writing  to  their  newspapers  at 
the  opening  of  the  session  were  not  able  to  predict 
with  any  certainty  when  the  election  would  be  held. 
While  the  outside  pressure  among  the  lobbyists  and 
politicians  was  largely  opposed  to  Grimes,  the  senti- 
ment among  members  of  the  legislature  was  strongly 
in  his  favor,  and  it  seemed  evident  to  all  that  he 
would  be  the  successful  candidate.  The  opponents 
of  Grimes  urged  a  postponement  of  the  election  in 
the  hope  of  causing  discord  in  the  party  and  de- 
fections from  the  ranks  of  his  adherents.196 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        117 

Thus  several  days  passed  and  an  unrelenting 
warfare  was  carried  on  against  James  W.  Grimes  by 
a  few  bitter  enemies.  The  leading  opponent  outside 
of  the  rival  candidates  was  Fitz  Henry  Warren. 
What  the  motives  were  which  induced  him  to  labor 
so  energetically  to  defeat  Grimes  are  not  known,  but 
it  is  a  fact  that  throughout  the  contest  he  was  very 
active  in  the  opposition.  His  efforts,  however,  were 
of  little  avail,  for  since  his  candidacy  for  Senator 
three  years  before  he  seems  to  have  lost  much  of  his 
popularity.  A  prominent  Eepublican  editor  ex- 
pressed the  judgment  that  Warren  had  only  "suc- 
ceeded in  giving  himself  a  very  high  position  on  the 
political  shelf.  "197 

Meanwhile  the  newspapers  were  full  of  specula- 
tions as  to  the  probable  outcome.  If  the  question 
could  have  been  submitted  to  a  popular  vote  there 
can  be  little  doubt  but  that  Grimes  would  have  been 
elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  Repub- 
lican votes.  "  It  is  a  period  when  no  second  or  third 
rate  talent  should  be  sent  from  any  Northern  State 
to  the  American  Senate",  admonished  Charles  Aid- 
rich  in  the  Hamilton  Freeman.  "The  great  and 
absorbing  question  of  slavery  domination  is  daily 
assuming  new  phases,  and  new  schemes  are  con- 
stantly laid  to  subvert  our  liberties. ' '  It  was  a  time, 
he  said,  when  the  State  should  be  represented  by  a 
compeer  of  Sumner,  Seward,  and  Hale,  and  he  con- 
sidered James  W.  Grimes  fully  up  to  the  standard.198 

On  January  25,  1858,  both  parties  held  caucuses. 
In  the  Eepublican  caucus  the  first  informal  ballot 


118         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

resulted  in  twenty-eight  votes  for  James  W.  Grimes, 
thirteen  for  James  Thorington,  nine  for  William 
Smyth,  five  for  David  Bunker,  five  for  Samuel  Dart 
(a  fictitious  name),  and  three  for  Timothy  Davis. 
On  the  first  formal  ballot  Grimes  received  thirty- 
eight,  Thorington  thirteen,  Smyth  eight,  and  Davis 
three.199  James  W.  Grimes,  having  a  clear  majority 
of  all  the  votes  cast,  was  unanimously  declared  the 
nominee  of  the  party.  It  was  estimated  that  if 
another  ballot  had  been  necessary  Grimes  would 
have  received  at  least  sixteen  more  votes.200  "My 
vote  would  have  been  much  larger,  and  nearly  unan- 
imous, on  the  second  ballot",  wrote  Grimes  to  his 
wife,  "as  many  voted  for  persons  in  their  own 
counties  on  the  first  ballot,  by  way  of  compliment, 
who  would  have  voted  for  me  on  the  second  ballot, 
and  for  me  on  the  first  had  their  votes  been  neces- 
sary. "201 

The  Democratic  caucus  cast  an  informal  ballot  in 
which  Benjamin  M.  Samuels  received  nineteen  votes, 
George  W.  Jones  thirteen,  Thomas  S.  Wilson  six, 
Lincoln  Clark  one,  and  William  F.  Coolbaugh  one. 
A  formal  ballot  was  then  taken,  Samuels  receiving 
twenty-eight  votes  and  Jones  ten.202  Benjamin  M. 
Samuels  of  Dubuque  County  was  therefore  nom- 
inated to  receive  the  empty  compliment  of  the 
Democratic  votes  for  United  States  Senator. 
George  W.  Jones  had  shortly  before  this  time  come 
out  openly  in  support  of  President  Buchanan 's 
policy  toward  the  fraudulent  Lecompton  Constitu- 
tion in  Kansas,  and  his  defeat  now  by  Samuels  was 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1858        119 

taken  as  an  indication  that  Iowa  Democrats  repudi- 
ated the  President's  course. 

On  the  following  day,  January  26,  1858,  the  two 
houses  of  the  General  Assembly  met  in  joint  con- 
vention for  the  election  of  United  States  Senator. 
Little  interest  was  taken  in  what  was  merely  a  mat- 
ter of  form.  The  Eepublicans  were  so  strongly  in 
the  majority  as  to  make  the  election  of  Grimes  a 
certainty,  and  there  was  no  disposition  to  bolt  the 
nominations  in  either  party.  So  when  the  votes 
were  counted  and  it  was  announced  that  James  W. 
Grimes  was  elected  United  States  Senator  for  the 
term  of  six  years  beginning  March  4,  1859,  no  one 
was  surprised.  Grimes  received  sixty-four  votes,  a 
majority  of  twenty-three  over  Samuels.  After  elect- 
ing a  state  printer,  certificates  of  election  were 
drawn  up  and  signed  and  the  joint  convention  ad- 
journed.203 

On  the  evening  of  January  29th,  conforming  to 
the  established  custom,  James  W.  Grimes  gave  a 
supper  to  the  members  of  the  legislature  and  a  num- 
ber of  other  prominent  citizens.  Nearly  two  hundred 
guests  gathered  at  the  Des  Moines  House  to  par- 
ticipate in  what  was  described  as  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  events  of  the  season.204  Thus  with  expres- 
sions of  good  will  and  amid  the  rejoicings  of 
Eepublicans  all  over  the  State  the  long  contest  came 
to  an  end. 


VI 
THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  HAELAN  IN  1860 

INTEREST  in  the  election  of  a  United  States  Senator 
was  revived  during  the  summer  of  1859,  for  it  was 
realized  that  upon  the  succeeding  General  Assembly 
would  devolve  the  duty  of  choosing  a  successor  to 
James  Harlan.  It  was  a  period  of  great  political 
earnestness  and  activity.  Party  lines  were  closely 
drawn  upon  the  all-absorbing  issue  of  human  slav- 
ery. The  ever  growing  cloud  of  the  irrepressible 
conflict  was  casting  its  ominous  shadow  over  the 
Nation,  and  out  on  the  frontier  in  Iowa  men  were 
filled  with  anxious  forebodings.  It  was  natural, 
therefore,  that  they  should  take  an  intense  interest 
in  the  election  of  all  their  officials,  and  especially  of 
those  who  should  represent  them  in  the  halls  of 
Congress. 

There  seems  to  have  been  very  little  public  dis- 
cussion of  the  senatorial  question  until  in  August, 
1859 ;  but  as  early  as  July  the  friends  of  James  Har- 
lan began  to  write  to  him  regarding  his  prospects  of 
reelection.  It  was  the  general  opinion  that  while  he 
would  doubtless  have  some  competition  within  the 
ranks  of  his  own  party  he  need  have  no  apprehen- 
sions as  to  the  election  of  a  Democratic  legislature.205 

By  the  middle  of  August,  however,  newspaper 

120 


THE  ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  IN  1860        121 

editors  began  to  pay  some  attention  to  the  possi- 
bilities in  the  election  of  a  United  States  Senator. 
From  this  time  until  after  the  State  election  in 
October  the  bearing  of  the  result  upon  the  choice  of 
a  Senator  by  the  legislature  during  the  following 
winter  was  one  of  the  important  considerations  in 
the  strenuous  campaign.  Indeed,  it  may  be  said  that 
the  senatorial  election  of  1860  differs  from  those 
which  preceded  it  in  the  fact  that  it  was  to  a  greater 
extent  determined  by  the  fall  elections.  James 
Harlan  had  given  ample  satisfaction  to  the  members 
of  his  party  throughout  the  State,  and  his  reelection 
virtually  hung  upon  the  question  of  whether  the  ma- 
jority in  the  new  legislature  would  be  Eepublican  or 
Democratic. 

During  the  State  campaign  of  1859  the  Demo- 
crats did  all  in  their  power  to  minimize  the  impor- 
tance of  great  national  issues  and  to  deprecate  their 
introduction  into  the  determination  of  local  affairs. 
They  complained,  for  instance,  that  the  speeches  of 
James  Harlan  in  the  United  States  Senate  were 
being  circulated  throughout  the  State  as  campaign 
documents.  The  Democratic  party  was  at  this  time 
hopelessly  divided  on  national  issues,  and  the  leaders 
in  Iowa  were  making  desperate  efforts  to  hold  the 
discordant  elements  together  in  the  State  election. 
They  were  placed  in  the  awkward  position  of 
endeavoring  to  carry  out  the  program  of  the  admin- 
istration at  Washington  and  at  the  same  time  of 
being  forced  to  pass  lightly  over  many  of  the  acts 
and  policies  of  President  Buchanan  in  the  attempt 


122         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

to  propitiate  the  dissatisfied  members  of  the  party. 
Hence,  their  desire  to  disparage  the  introduction  of 
national  issues  into  State  politics. 

The  Eepublicans  were  quick  to  penetrate  the  de- 
signs of  their  opponents.  Eepublican  newspapers 
all  over  the  State  contained  editorials  warning  their 
readers  to  beware  of  the  false  doctrines  of  the  Demo- 
crats. "The  Black  Democracy ",  wrote  one  editor, 
"are  contending  that  in  our  State  election,  this  fall, 
we  have  nothing  to  do  with  matters  involved  in  na- 
tional politics ;  that  the  extravagances  of  the  present 
Administration,  and  the  demands  and  atrocities  of 
the  Slave  Power  are  not  to  be  at  all  considered  in 
this  election.  .  .  .  The  Legislature  now  to  be 
elected,  elects  a  United  States  Senator  for  six  years. 
Has  that  nothing  to  do  with  national  matters?"206 
It  was  declared  that  the  Democrats  had  no  hope  of 
electing  their  State  ticket,  but  were  bending  every 
effort  to  secure  a  majority  in  the  legislature  in  order 
to  elect  a  United  States  Senator.  Eepublicans  were 
warned  to  vote  the  entire  ticket  and  not  to  trade  off 
their  votes  for  a  legislative  candidate  for  Democratic 
votes  for  State  officers.  Often  an  exaggerated  em- 
phasis was  placed  upon  the  importance  of  a  single 
vote,  in  the  desire  to  hold  voters  to  a  straight  ticket. 
"A  single  vote  in  this  County  or  some  other  County 
in  the  State",  was  the  solemn  admonition  of  a  Keo- 
kuk  editor,  "may  elect  a  single  member  of  the 
Legislature,  whose  single  vote  may  decide  the  polit- 
ical character  of  that  branch  of  the  Legislature,  and 
thereby  decide  who  shall  be  United  States  Senator 


THE  ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  IN  1860        123 

for  six  years.  And  that  United  States  Senator  may 
in  course  decide  during  the  next  Presidential  term 
the  political  character  of  the  United  States  Senate 
by  his  votes.  "207 

During  the  campaign  the  Democrats  were  urged 
to  greater  activity  by  a  number  of  circulars  sent  out 
from  Washington,  D.  C.  These  circulars  purported 
to  come  from  what  were  known  as  the  ' i  Iowa  Demo- 
cratic Club  Booms' '.  It  is  evident,  however,  that 
they  were  prepared  under  supervision  of  the  Admin- 
istration, which  was  in  dire  straits  and  not  only 
needed  the  moral  support  of  Democratic  victories  in 
State  elections,  but  was  especially  anxious  to  gain 
additional  Democratic  votes  in  Congress.  One  of  the 
circulars  which  was  freely  and  as  secretly  as  possible 
distributed  among  the  Democrats  throughout  the 
State,  called  attention  to  the  number  of  votes  the 
party  must  gain  in  each  county  in  order  to  carry  the 
election.  * '  Recollect,  too,  that  a  United  States  Sena- 
tor is  to  be  elected ",  continued  the  circular,  "in  the 
place  of  the  man  (Harlan)  who,  in  his  seat  in  the 
Senate,  proclaimed  that  the  negro  was  the  equal  of 
the  white  man,  because,  forsooth,  they  had  arms, 
heads,  noses,  ears,  legs,  &c. !  .  .  .  Let  every  man 
who  believes  that  the  negro  is  his  equal  vote  for 
members  of  the  Legislature  who  will  return  Harlan, 
the  black  man's  candidate,  to  the  Senate,  but  let  us 
white  men  vote  for  the  white  man's  candidate!"208 

This  attack  upon  Senator  Harlan  aroused  his 
friends  to  action.  A  Keokuk  editor  called  upon  Re- 
publican voters  to  rally  to  the  polls  and  '  '  rebuke  this 


124         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

corrupt  foreign  and  federal  interference  in  your 
State  election,  and  hurl  back  with  defiant  scorn  the 
insolent  charge  that  Harlan  is  the  '  black  man's  can- 
didate/ "209  "Will  the  political  and  personal 
friends  of  Senator  Harlan  stand  idly  by  and  permit 
him  to  be  calumniated  and  defeated  by  the  Federal 
Administration  and  its  insolent  slaveholding  allies  of 
the  South ?"210  asked  the  editor  of  a  paper  published 
at  Mt.  Pleasant,  the  home  of  James  Harlan.  The 
Eepublican  State  Central  Committee  issued  a  cir- 
cular declaring  that  the  State  ticket  was  reasonably 
safe,  but  that  the  Democrats  were  using  every  means 
to  secure  control  of  the  legislature  in  order  to  elect 
a  Democrat  in  the  place  of  James  Harlan.  They 
even  charged  the  Democrats  with  planning  to  import 
voters  from  the  neighboring  States  to  carry  the 
elections  in  doubtful  counties.211 

Thus  the  campaign  was  carried  on  until  the 
October  elections,  when  the  Republicans  won  a  sub- 
stantial victory  by  electing  their  State  ticket  and 
gaining  control  of  both  branches  of  the  General 
Assembly.  Henceforth  it  was  no  longer  a  question 
of  whether  a  Democrat  or  a  Eepublican  should  be 
sent  to  the  United  States  Senate.  It  was  now  merely 
a  matter  of  choice  between  the  various  Eepublican 
aspirants  for  the  position,  and  public  sentiment  was 
clearly  in  favor  of  the  reelection  of  James  Harlan. 
"Nearly  all  the  leading  Eepublican  journals  in  the 
State  have  declared  in  favor  of  MB.  HARLAN 's  re- 
election to  the  U.  S.  Senate,  by  the  Legislature  which 
is  soon  to  assemble  ",  declared  a  Mt.  Pleasant  editor. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  IN  1860        125 

' '  Of  his  success,  with  almost  if  not  entire  unanimity, 
we  have  no  doubt.  "212  And  this  was  the  attitude  of 
Eepublican  editors  to  such  an  extent  that  there  was 
very  little  public  discussion  of  senatorial  possibilities. 

There  seems,  however,  to  have  been  considerable 
secret  planning  and  figuring  on  the  part  of  a  number 
of  politicians  who  coveted  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  During  the  three  months  preceding  the 
meeting  of  the  legislature  James  Harlan  received  a 
large  number  of  letters  from  his  friends,  assuring 
him  of  their  support,  warning  him  not  to  be  too  con- 
fident of  success,  or  informing  him  of  the  plans  of 
his  rivals.213  From  James  W.  Grimes  came  the  in- 
telligence that  Timothy  Davis  was  in  the  field,  but 
the  opinion  was  expressed  that  he  would  have  little 
chance  of  election.  There  was  also  a  movement  on 
foot  in  the  western  part  of  the  State,  supposedly  in 
favor  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,  Jr.,  but  Senator  Grimes 
had  no  fear  of  this  combination.  "You  are  safe  for 
the  reason  that  I  was  two  years  ago,"  he  told  Harlan, 
"because  there  is  no  one  else  to  unite  on."214  An- 
other friend,  writing  from  Clarinda,  gave  additional 
warning  of  the  efforts  which  were  being  made  to 
elect  a  man  from  the  Missouri  slope.  The  letter 
intimated  that  the  name  of  Fitz  Henry  Warren  was 
"mixed  up  in  the  matter",  and  the  writer  urged 
Senator  Harlan  to  be  on  his  guard.215 

Among  all  the  men  spoken  of  as  possible  candi- 
dates for  the  senatorship  Chief  Justice  George  G. 
Wright  seems  to  have  been  the  one  most  feared  by 
Harlan 's  friends.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  very 


126         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

early  Judge  Wright  declared  that  he  was  not  a 
candidate  but  would  support  Harlan,  anxiety  as  to 
his  course  was  not  fully  allayed  until  after  the  elec- 
tion. "My  own  impression  has  been  that  Wright 
would  be  the  neucleus  around  which  the  opposition 
to  you,  if  any,  would  rally ",  wrote  Thomas  Drum- 
mond  from  Vinton.  "But  another  letter  received 
from  a  coeditor  friend  to-day,  intimates  that  Andrew 
J.  Stevens  is  the  man.  I  hardly  credit  the  last  suppo- 
sition, and  presume  that  Stevens  himself  is  possibly 
in  the  interest  of  someone  else."216  And  as  late  as 
December  26,  1859,  the  same  writer  declared  that 
"Stevens  may  be  the  man,  but  I  yet  believe  Wright 
is  the  one  on  whom  the  opposition  hope  to  concen- 
trate".217 Another  of  Harlan 's  admirers,  more 
alarmed  than  Thomas  Drummond  over  the  possibili- 
ties of  Judge  Wright's  candidacy,  wrote  to  Harlan 
late  in  December  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  declare 
that  the  Democrats  were  planning  to  support  Wright 
and  that  they  hoped  to  draw  off  enough  Republican 
votes  to  elect  him.  He  therefore  urged  Senator  Har- 
lan to  be  very  vigilant  and  have  his  friends  actively 
at  work.218  This  warning,  of  course,  appears  ridic- 
ulous in  the  light  of  subsequent  developments. 

John  A.  Kasson  was  another  man  whose  actions 
were  watched  with  interest  by  those  who  were  espe- 
cially anxious  for  James  Harlan 's  reelection.  It  is 
quite  evident  that  Kasson  had  at  one  time  expressed 
his  willingness  to  be  considered  as  a  candidate  for 
the  senatorship  if  there  appeared  to  be  any  chances 
for  his  success.  But  he  was  a  comparatively  new 


THE  ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  IN  1860        127 

man  in  the  Iowa  political  arena,  and  finding  that  he 
could  expect  but  little  support  he  hastily  withdrew 
from  the  race.  "K  &  his  friends  begin  to  see  the 
effect  that  this  movement  will  have  upon  his  future ' ', 
wrote  a  friend  to  James  Harlan  early  in  November, 
"and  they  now  deny  having  had  any  such  intentions. 
So  you  see  that  the  K.  movement  is  about  blown  up. 
Their  secret  plans  are  however  well  understood. 
.  .  .  I  think  that  it  is  possible  that  they  may  start 
some  new  man,  but  it  will  end  about  as  K.  has."219 

A  number  of  other  men  were  spoken  of  in  letters 
to  James  Harlan  as  aspirants  to  succeed  him  in  the 
Senate,  but  as  they  had  few  supporters  little  thought 
was  given  to  them  as  rivals.  One  politician,  of  the 
type  which  believed  in  rotation  in  the  enjoyment  of 
public  offices,  suggested  the  propriety  of  "allowing 
some  of  the  young  men  to  step  up  to  the  fire  and 
warm  themselves."220  But  the  party  as  a  whole  was 
too  much  in  earnest  in  regard  to  the  great  problems 
which  were  confronting  the  Nation  to  send  anyone 
but  a  man  of  experience  and  ability  to  the  United 
States  Senate. 

The  General  Assembly  convened  at  Des  Moines 
on  January  9,  1860.  As  usual  the  town  was  filled 
with  members  of  the  "third  house"  seeking  offices 
or  lobbying  for  some  special  interest.  Realizing  the 
danger  of  delay  the  friends  of  James  Harlan  under 
the  leadership  of  Alvin  Saunders  succeeded  in  ar- 
ranging a  Republican  caucus  on  the  evening  of 
January  12th.  The  caucus  was  well  attended  and  a 
spirit  of  harmony  prevailed.  James  Harlan  was 


128         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

unanimously  nominated  for  reelection  in  spite  of  the 
disappointment  of  certain  ambitious  individuals.221 
' '  Your  nomination  by  acclamation  in  caucus  was  not 
very  well  relished  by  a  very  few  great  men  in  our 
party ",  wrote  Martin  L.  Morris  to  the  successful 
candidate.  l  i  The  first  few  days  of  the  Session  they 
were  somewhat  clamorous  —  but  gradually  subsided. 
Now,  there  is  not  one  of  them,  but  asserts  that  you 
were  their  first  and  only  choice  for  that  position.  "222 

The  Democrats  in  caucus  decided  to  cast  their 
votes  for  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  who  for  so  long 
had  been  the  favorite  of  his  party,  although  it  seems 
that  in  this  case  the  choice  was  not  made  without 
some  difficulty.223 

The  joint  convention  met  in  the  hall  of  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives  at  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
January  14th.  Julius  H.  Powers  nominated  James 
Harlan  and  Thomas  W.  Claggett  nominated  Augus- 
tus Caesar  Dodge.  When  the  votes  were  counted  it 
was  found  that  Harlan  had  seventy-three  while 
Dodge  had  only  fifty-two.  A  certificate  was,  there- 
fore, signed  declaring  that  James  Harlan  had  been 
elected  to  represent  Iowa  in  the  United  States  Senate 
for  the  term  of  six  years  beginning  March  4,  1861.224 

Thus  was  another  senatorial  election  accom- 
plished. Nor  can  there  be  any  doubt  but  that  the 
result  accorded  with  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  State.  Furthermore,  the  wisdom  of 
the  choice  was  amply  demonstrated  during  the  event- 
ful years  which  followed  when  the  Nation  had  sore 
need  of  the  guidance  of  strong  and  loyal  sons. 


VII 

THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  W.  GEIMES 
IN  1864 

THE  senatorial  election  of  1864  was  comparatively 
uneventful.  Indeed,  it  can  scarcely  be  said  that 
there  was  any  contest.  The  war  naturally  detracted 
interest  to  a  certain  extent  from  political  affairs 
within  the  State.  Furthermore,  the  Eepublican 
party  was  by  this  time  so  strongly  in  the  ascendancy 
in  Iowa  that  the  Democrats  had  no  hope  of  electing 
a  United  States  Senator.  It  seems  to  have  been  a 
foregone  conclusion,  as  early  as  any  interest  was 
taken  in  the  question  at  all,  that  James  W.  Grimes 
would  be  reflected  to  the  position  which  he  had  filled 
since  March  4,  1859,  in  a  manner  so  satisfactory  to 
his  constituents. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1863  Senator  Grimes  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  an  editor  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  State  asking  him  if  he  would  be  a  candidate  for 
reelection.  He  replied  that  he  was  not  at  all 
desirous  to  be  returned  to  the  Senate.  ' '  On  the  con- 
trary ",  he  continued,  "I  am  rather  averse  to  the 
idea  of  continuing  in  public  life  beyond  my  present 
term.  Our  friends  have  insisted  that  I  shall  serve 
another  term,  and  I  have  consented  to  do  so,  if,  after 
having  surveyed  the  whole  field,  they  are  satisfied 

9  129 


130         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

that  the  interest  of  the  country  and  our  party  re- 
quire it,  or  that  they  are  unable  to  secure  the 
services  of  a  better  man."225 

During  the  campaign  which  preceded  the  fall 
election  in  1863  a  few  newspapers  contained  brief 
editorials  reminding  their  readers  that  a  United 
States  Senator  would  be  chosen  by  the  next  General 
Assembly.  Democratic  editors  used  this  plea  more 
frequently  than  their  opponents.  Ira  C.  Mitchell,  in 
an  Iowa  City  paper,  admonished  all  Democrats  to 
vote  for  Democratic  members  of  the  legislature, 
since  one  member  of  the  legislature  might  cast  the 
deciding  vote  in  the  election  of  a  United  States  Sena- 
tor, and  "one  Senator  might  save  the  nation,  by 
voting  for  some  such  patriotic  measure  as  Grimes 
has  always  voted  against."226  Another  editor, 
whose  optimism  for  his  party  exceeded  his  clearness 
of  prophetic  vision,  predicted  that  the  Democrats 
would  make  a  "clean  sweep"  of  the  State  that  fall, 
and  that  the  "abolition  rebels",  including  Senator 
Grimes  would  be  "swept  from  places  of  power  into 
the  common  rubbish  heap."227 

The  Democrats  did  not  make  a  "clean  sweep"  of 
the  State,  however,  for  the  Eepublicans  were  over- 
whelmingly successful  in  the  fall  elections.  In  many 
cases  only  men  who  were  pledged  to  vote  for  the 
reelection  of  James  W.  Grimes  to  the  Senate  were 
chosen  as  members  of  the  legislature.228 

As  the  time  for  the  meeting  of  the  General  As- 
sembly drew  near  Eepublican  newspapers  began  to 
speak  out  in  favor  of  the  reelection  of  Senator 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GRIMES  IN  1864          131 

Grimes.  About  the  only  dissenting  voices  came  from 
the  extreme  western  part  of  the  State,  where  the  old 
sectional  plea  was  urged  in  support  of  a  western 
man.  But  there  was  no  one  on  whom  the  few  op- 
posing elements  could  unite,  and  in  fact  no  other 
candidates  were  seriously  considered.  Public  senti- 
ment was  clearly  and  definitely  on  the -side  of  James 
W.  Grimes. 

The  Tenth  General  Assembly  convened  on 
January  11,  1864,  and  proceeded  without  delay  to 
organize  and  take  up  the  business  of  the  session. 
' l  There  is  not  sufficient  opposition  to  make  any  con- 
test having  a  political  bearing,  piquant ",  wrote  a 
correspondent.229  On  January  16th  a  joint  conven- 
tion was  held  and  James  W.  Grimes,  who  had 
received  a  unanimous  nomination  in  caucus,  was 
reflected  United  States  Senator  by  a  vote  which  was 
almost  unanimous.  Of  the  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  votes  cast,  Senator  Grimes  received  all  but  six. 
John  D.  Jennings  received  five  votes  and  Mr.  Love 
one  vote.230  Thus  James  W.  Grimes  was  chosen  to 
represent  Iowa  in  the  United  States  Senate  for 
another  six  years  by  the  largest  majority  ever  given 
a  Senator  from  this  State. 


VIII 

THE  ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND 
KIEKWOOD  IN  1866 

AMONG  the  last  official  acts  of  President  Lincoln  was 
the  appointment  of  James  Harlan  as  Secretary  of 
the  Interior  to  succeed  John  P.  Usher,  whose  resig- 
nation took  effect  May  15,  1865.  The  acceptance  of 
this  position  by  Senator  Harlan  left  vacant  his  seat 
in  the  United  States  Senate  for  the  remainder  of  his 
term  which  would  expire  March  3,  1867.  Conse- 
quently there  were  two  senatorships  to  be  filled  by 
the  General  Assembly  of  Iowa  in  1866,  and  in  the 
meantime  the  Governor  might  fill  the  vacancy  by 
appointment. 

The  news  of  the  choice  of  James  Harlan  for  the 
Cabinet  position  naturally  caused  a  flurry  in  Iowa 
political  circles.  There  were  a  number  of  men  in  the 
State  to  whom  the  thought  of  going  to  the  United 
States  Senate  even  for  the  brief  period  of  the  un- 
expired  term  was  by  no  means  distasteful.  The  first 
question  was  whether  or  not  Governor  Stone  would 
appoint.  The  general  impression  seems  to  have 
been  that  he  would  not  do  so,  and  in  fact  several 
newspapers  strongly  urged  this  policy.  But  the  un- 
certainty on  this  point  continued  to  cause  more  or 
less  anxiety  throughout  the  remainder  of  the  year. 

132 


ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND  KIRKWOOD    133 

Late  in  March,  1865,  Governor  Stone  wrote  to 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  concerning  the  vacancy.  While 
he  did  not  in  so  many  words  promise  to  appoint 
Kirkwood,  he  declared  that  if  the  vacancy  should 
occur  before  the  meeting  of  the  legislature  "I  have 
never  doubted  in  my  own  mind  that  you  would  be 
the  man."231  Again  in  June  it  appears  that  Stone 
wrote  to  Kirkwood  stating  that  he  had  been  con- 
sidering the  matter  and  had  decided  to  risk  an 
appointment,  but  that  he  would  defer  his  action 
until  after  the  meeting  of  the  Eepublican  State  Con- 
vention, at  which  time  he  hoped  to  be  nominated  for 
a  second  term  as  Governor.  "I  am  importuned 
almost  night  and  day  on  this  subject  by  the  friends 
of  one  or  two  other  aspirants",  he  said,  "and  have 
determined  to  not  dispose  of  the  elephant  until  I  am 
out  of  the  woods  myself. ' '  As  before,  the  Governor 
avoided  an  explicit  promise  to  appoint  Kirkwood, 
but  used  language  which  any  fair-minded  person 
would  consider  a  direct  agreement  to  do  so.  "There 
is  in  some  parts  of  the  state  a  determined  yet  secret 
opposition  to  you",  he  declared,  "but  an  appoint- 
ment by  me  will  do  much  to  quiet  it,  as  my  friends 
will  feel  under  obligation  to  endorse  my  action  and 
sustain  me." 

Stone  was  particularly  anxious  to  have  the  assist- 
ance of  Kirkwood 's  friends  at  the  State  Convention, 
but  he  did  not  think  it  advisable  for  Kirkwood  him- 
self to  be  present  "as  it  would  help  to  give  color  to 
the  assumption"  that  there  was  "a  bargain  and 
sale"  between  the  two  men.  "There  will  be  no  ne- 


134         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

cessity  for  your  friends  to  say  anything  about  the 
appointment  at  the  convention, "  he  told  Kirkwood, 
"and  their  reticence  on  the  subject  will  tend  to  keep 
others  quiet  and  avoid  undue  agitation  of  the  ques- 
tion. .  .  .  You  will  be  Senator  and  I  Governor 
again  if  our  friends  understand  each  other,  and  are 
prudent  and  discreet  in  their  management.  "232 

It  is  evident  that  others  besides  Kirkwood  con- 
sidered that  Stone  had  definitely  promised  to  appoint 
the  "War  Governor "  to  the  senatorship.  "After 
Stone  had  promised  to  appoint  you",  wrote  Mar- 
cellus  M.  Crocker  late  in  June,  "persons  in  this 
locality  opposed  to  it  and  in  favor  of  Kasson  bullied 
him  into  a  fever  almost,  and  in  a  conversation  that  I 
had  with  him  the  day  before  the  Convention  he  in- 
timated that  he  might  not  appoint  you  until  after 
the  election.  ...  I  do  not  know  but  that  if  he 
waits  until  after  the  election  he  may  conclude  to  be  a 
candidate  himself  and  go  back  to  his  old  policy  of 
not  appointing  at  all.  I  know  that  until  he  became 
alarmed  about  his  nomination  he  had  intended  to  so 
manage  his  cards  as  to  be  a  candidate.  ...  I  am 
decidedly  of  the  opinion  that  Stone  ought  to  be  held 
to  his  promise  and  made  to  appoint.  "233 

Governor  Stone's  conduct  toward  Kirkwood  in 
regard  to  the  vacant  senatorship  was,  to  say  the 
least,  not  commendable.  After  giving  ample  prom- 
ise of  his  intention  to  appoint  Kirkwood,  he  not  only 
failed  to  fulfil  that  promise,  but  it  is  to  be  feared 
that  he  secretly  hoped  for  Kirkwood 's  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  legislature  in  January,  1866. 


ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND  KIRKWOOD    135 

The  question  of  the  senatorial  succession  became 
further  complicated  early  in  the  summer  of  1865 
when  it  was  hinted  about  that  James  Harlan  would 
not  be  reluctant  to  return  to  the  Senate.  Several 
letters  passed  between  Harlan  and  Kirkwood  re- 
garding the  latter 's  candidacy;  but  perhaps  the  most 
significant  in  this  connection  was  one  written  by 
Harlan  on  July  18th.  He  stated  that  as  far  as  he 
knew  his  friends  would  support  Kirkwood  for  the 
senatorship  and  he  had  little  doubt  of  his  election. 
"I  am  not  sure,  however",  he  continued,  "but  I 
would  like  to  swap  places  with  you  after  you  have 
grown  a  little  tired  of  a  seat  in  the  senate,  and  feel 
like  taking  a  little  recreation  in  running  after  thieves 
that  have  been  burrowing  about  this  Department, 
and  living  under  its  protecting  aegis  in  the  states 
and  territories.  How  would  you  like  it  ?  "234  Appar- 
ently the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  was  not  entirely 
pleased  with  his  position. 

The  newspapers  soon  took  up  the  question,  and 
Eepublican  editors,  as  in  former  years,  warned  their 
readers  that  the  Democrats  were  making  strenuous 
efforts  to  gain  control  of  the  legislature  in  order  to 
elect  a  Democratic  Senator.  It  was  asserted  that 
every  issue  was  being  made  to  subserve  this  end; 
that  the  Democrats,  for  instance,  in  their  State  Con- 
vention had  voted  to  leave  the  liquor  question  to 
each  county  to  decide  for  itself,  and  thus  it  might  be 
"thimble-rigged  by  the  local  wire-pullers,  and  the 
secret  intriguers,  bent  upon  carrying  the  Legislature 
for  the  purpose  named."235 


136         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

From  Washington  came  numerous  communica- 
tions on  the  subject  of  Harlan 's  successor.  It  was 
strongly  urged  that  the  question  of  locality  should 
not  be  allowed  to  enter  into  the  choice,  but  that  the 
best  man  should  be  selected  irrespective  of  locality. 
According  to  these  correspondents  the  man  most 
talked  of  for  the  senatorship  by  lowans  at  the  capital 
city  was  James  F.  Wilson,  Congressman  from  the 
First  District.236  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that 
Wilson  made  any  effort  to  secure  the  position  which 
his  friends  were  so  anxious  for  him  to  receive.  In 
fact  he  later  positively  denied  having  any  intention 
of  entering  the  contest.237 

By  the  latter  part  of  October  a  number  of  names 
were  being  urged  in  connection  with  the  senatorship 
by  newspapers  and  politicians  in  various  parts  of 
the  State.  Fitz  Henry  Warren,  James  F.  Wilson, 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  John  A.  Kasson,  William  M. 
Stone,  William  Vandever,  S.  R.  Curtis,  Asahel  W. 
Hubbard,  and  William  B.  Allison  all  had  their 
champions,  while  others  of  less  prominence  received 
some  mention. 

Meanwhile  the  possibility  that  James  Harlan 
would  be  a  candidate  for  the  position  he  had  so  lately 
resigned  was  becoming  more  and  more  a  certainty. 
Indeed,  it  soon  became  apparent  that  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  was  making  quiet  but  persistent  plans 
to  regain  his  former  seat  in  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate. Late  in  September  Harlan  was  in  Burlington, 
and  James  W.  Grimes  wrote  to  Kirkwood  stating 
that  it  was  believed  at  that  place  that  Harlan  wanted 


ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND  KIRKWOOD    137 

the  full  term  which  would  begin  in  March,  1867, 
while  Fitz  Henry  Warren  was  working  for  the  un- 
expired  term.  Furthermore,  it  was  thought  that 
either  a  bargain  to  this  effect  would  be  made  between 
the  two  men,  or  that  Harlan  would  take  the  long 
term  and  secure  for  Warren  a  mission  to  Europe.238 

The  actions  of  James  Harlan  were  a  special 
source  of  anxiety  to  Kirkwood  and  his  friends.  The 
* '  War  Governor ' '  had  a  strong  hold  on  the  affections 
of  the  people  in  many  parts  of  the  State,  as  is  illus- 
trated in  a  letter  from  William  B.  Lakin,  a  State 
Senator  elect  to  whom  Kirkwood  had  written  con- 
cerning his  vote  at  the  coming  General  Assembly. 
"The  fact  is,  Governor",  wrote  Lakin,  "I  have  been 
so  much  in  the  habit  of  voting  for  you  that  I  don't 
well  see  how  I  could  break  the  habit  so  early  as  the 
year  of  grace  1866.  "239  But  James  Harlan  was  un- 
doubtedly the  most  powerful  figure  in  Iowa  politics 
at  this  time,  and  his  wishes  were  bound  to  weigh 
heavily  in  the  contest. 

Jacob  Rich  of  Dubuque,  at  this  time  secretary  of 
the  Senate  Naval  Committee,  was  one  of  Kirkwood 's 
strongest  supporters,  and  his  position  at  Washing- 
ton enabled  him  to  observe  the  political  schemes 
which  were  being  concocted  at  the  capital.  Until  he 
went  to  Washington,  Eich  seems  to  have  been  quite 
confident  of  Kirkwood 's  election.  But  in  December 
he  wrote :  "  I  cannot  be  so  cheerful  and  confident  of 
your  success  as  I  was  when  I  came  here.  I  have 
heard  so  much  about  what  Harlan  is  doing,  the  ropes 
he  is  pulling,  the  patronage  he  is  wielding,  and  the 


138         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

power  lie  is  using,  to  accomplish  his  election,  that  I 
feel  a  good  deal  down  in  the  mouth.  "24°  A  few  days 
later  Kirkwood  received  a  letter  from  another  friend 
at  Washington  in  which  it  was  stated  that  Harlan 
was  working  silently  and  would  not  allow  his  name 
to  be  used  unless  certain  of  election.  A  number  of 
persons  connected  with  the  Department  of  the  In- 
terior in  various  capacities,  it  was  asserted,  had  been 
sent  to  Iowa  ostensibly  on  official  business,  but  in 
reality  their  mission  was  to  serve  the  interests  of 
James  Harlan  in  the  senatorial  contest.241 

James  W.  Grimes,  William  B.  Allison,  and  others 
in  the  Iowa  delegation  at  Washington  heartily 
sympathized  with  Kirkwood  and  looked  upon  Har- 
lan 's  course  with  disfavor.  It  seems  that  Harlan 
had  virtually  made  a  pledge  to  Grimes  that  he  would 
support  Kirkwood  for  the  senatorship,  and  his 
change  of  front  was  considered  an  act  of  bad  faith.242 
In  fact  the  relations  between  Grimes  and  Harlan 
were  distinctly  less  friendly  from  this  time  forth. 

As  the  time  for  the  meeting  of  the  legislature 
approached  it  was  very  apparent  that  the  real  con- 
test lay  between  Harlan  and  Kirkwood,  although  a 
number  of  other  men  still  had  hopes  of  being  chosen 
for  the  unexpired  term.  Eepublican  newspaper  sup- 
port was  somewhat  in  Harlan 's  favor,  but  there  were 
several  editors  who  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood.  Editors  friendly  to  Harlan 
were  perfectly  willing  that  he  should  resign  his 
Cabinet  position  and  resume  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  They  declared  that  their  favorite 


ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND  KIRKWOOD    139 

had  gone  into  the  Cabinet  "against  his  own  wishes 
and  at  the  urgent  and  continued  solicitations  of 
President  Lincoln  and  leading  friends  of  the 
Union."243  Therefore,  he  should  now  be  allowed  to 
return  to  the  Senate  if  he  should  so  desire.  Further- 
more, it  was  argued  that  if  Harlan  should  be  elected 
for  the  long  term  which  began  March  4,  1867,  he 
could  retain  his  position  as  Secretary  almost  to  the 
close  of  President  Johnson's  administration,  after 
which  time  he  might  be  superseded  anyway.244 

The  friends  of  Kirkwood,  on  the  other  hand, 
claimed  that  it  was  the  general  understanding  when 
James  Harlan  accepted  the  appointment  to  the 
Cabinet  that  he  had  entirely  abandoned  the  sena- 
torial field.  Consequently  he  should  remain  out  of 
the  contest.  Moreover,  it  was  urged  that  it  would  be 
subversive  of  the  best  interests  of  the  country  for 
Harlan  to  leave  the  Cabinet  at  this  time.  "The 
danger  of  the  present  crisis  is  from  the  executive, 
not  the  legislative,  department  of  government",  was 
the  contention,  "and  should  Mr.  Harlan  retire  from 
the  Cabinet  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  his  place 
would  be  filled  by  a  '  conservative/  and  the  danger 
increased."245 

The  Eleventh  General  Assembly  convened  on 
January  8,  1866.  A  Keokuk  newspaper  correspond- 
ent who  reached  the  capital  city  on  January  5th 
found  the  Savery  House  well  filled  with  legislators, 
State  officials,  clerks,  "and  many  others  of  more  or 
less  notoriety,  forming  that  indispensable  part  of 
any  well  regulated  legislative  body,  'The  Third 


140         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

House. '  The  political  atmosphere,  he  said,  was 
already  warm  with  the  heat  of  the  senatorial 
contest.246 

During  the  early  days  of  the  session  a  sharp  but 
apparently  good-natured  war  was  waged  between 
the  friends  of  the  rival  candidates.  Kirkwood  was 
charged  with  being  opposed  to  equal  suffrage  and 
with  having  shirked  that  issue  in  the  last  State  cam- 
paign. He  was  accused  of  having  agreed  with  the 
friends  of  Harlan  to  take  the  short  term  as  a  means 
of  defeating  a  northern  candidate.  And  finally  it 
was  insinuated  that  all  of  the  "War  Governor V 
military  appointments  had  been  made  with  a  view  to 
aiding  his  own  cause  in  the  senatorial  race.  It  was 
urged  against  Harlan  that  to  reelect  him  would  be 
heaping  favors  on  one  man  at  the  risk  of  weakening 
the  organization  of  the  party.  Furthermore,  it  was 
hinted  about  that  Harlan  had  enriched  himself  in 
the  Department  of  the  Interior.247  "Then  this  one 
was  a  Methodist ",  ran  an  observer's  account  of  the 
arguments  used,  "while  the  other  is  a  Nothingarian; 
(that  is,  he  believes  in  nothing  and  lives  up  to  it,) 
and,  therefore,  none  but  Methodists  should  support 
the  first,  while  everybody  else  and  his  wife  ought  to 
support  the  latter!"248 

The  Eepublican  caucus  was  held  sometime  during 
the  first  week  of  the  session.  Three  ballots  were 
necessary  for  the  choice  of  a  candidate  for  the  long 
term.  James  Harlan  and  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  were 
nearly  tied  on  the  first  ballot,  while  three  other  men 
each  received  a  few  votes.  On  the  second  ballot  two 


ELECTION  OF  HARLAN  AND  KIRKWOOD    141 

names  were  abandoned,  and  on  the  third  James 
Harlan  received  four  votes  more  than  the  number 
necessary  for  a  choice.  Only  one  ballot  was  re- 
quired to  choose  a  candidate  for  the  short  term. 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  received  eighty  votes,  while  the 
highest  number  received  by  any  of  his  six  compet- 
itors was  sixteen.249 

The  action  of  the  caucus  virtually  amounted  to 
an  election,  for  the  Republicans  were  overwhelm- 
ingly in  the  majority  in  both  houses  of  the  General 
Assembly.  A  joint  convention  was  held  on  January 
13,  1866,  and  the  choice  of  the  caucus  was  heartily 
confirmed.  Kirkwood  and  Harlan  each  received  one 
hundred  and  eighteen  votes,  as  opposed  to  twenty 
votes  received  by  J.  F.  Stoneman  and  H.  H.  Trimble, 
the  Democratic  candidates  for  the  short  and  the  long 
terms  respectively.  Fitz  Henry  Warren  also  re- 
ceived one  vote  for  the  short  term.250 

The  outcome  was  naturally  a  disappointment  to 
those  who  had  hoped  for  Kirkwood 's  election  to  the 
long  term,  and  some  of  them  were  quick  to  assign 
reasons  for  Harlan 's  success.  "I  thought  on  the 
first  day  of  the  Session  that  Gov.  Kirkwood  would 
be  elected",  read  the  correspondence  to  an  Iowa 
City  paper  which  came  from  Des  Moines.  "But  the 
lobby  force  consisted  of  two  Indian  Agents,  two  Pay- 
masters, one  Quartermaster,  one  Special  Mail 
Agent,  four  Assessors  and  Collectors  of  Int.  Eev. 
three  or  four  Postmasters,  one  Brig.  Gen.  direct 
from  Washington  and  Methodist  Preachers,  without 
number  or  piety. ' '  "I  have  had  cause  since  coming 


142         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

here  to  change  somewhat,  my  religious  views  ",  con- 
tinued the  same  writer.  "I  now  believe  fully  in  the 
doctrine  of  total  depravity,  and  I  know  that  men  can 
and  do  fall  from  grace  !"261 

There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  but  that  the 
result  was  eminently  satisfactory  to  a  majority  of 
the  Eepublicans  of  Iowa,  for  James  Harlan  had  won 
for  himself  great  popularity  by  his  course  in  the 
Senate  during  the  momentous  years  preceding  the 
Civil  War.  And  in  the  interval  until  Harlan  should 
take  his  seat  the  State  would  be  ably  represented  by 
another  who  had  already  proved  his  loyalty  to  her 
interests  and  to  the  principles  of  Eepublicanism. 


IX 

THE  ELECTION  OF  WEIGHT  AND  HOWELL 

IN  1870 

THE  senatorial  election  of  1870  resembled  the  one 
which  preceded  it  in  that  there  was  a  long  and  a 
short  term  to  be  filled.  The  long  continued  strain  of 
the  impeachment  trial  of  Andrew  Johnson  had 
brought  physical  exhaustion  and  accompanying  ill- 
ness to  James  W.  Grimes,  who  had  faithfully 
represented  Iowa  in  the  United  States  Senate  since 
1859.  In  the  spring  of  1869  he  sailed  for  Europe 
hoping  that  rest  and  a  complete  change  of  environ- 
ment would  speedily  restore  him  to  health.  But  he 
had  not  been  on  the  continent  many  weeks  when  he 
suffered  a  severe  attack  of  paralysis.  Eealizing  that 
he  would  doubtless  never  be  able  to  resume  his  seat 
in  the  Senate,  during  the  summer  he  sent  his  resig- 
nation to  Governor  Merrill.252  Thus,  not  only  was 
there  a  successor  to  Grimes  to  be  chosen  for  the 
regular  term  beginning  March  4, 1871,  but  there  was 
a  vacancy  for  the  short  period  of  the  unexpired  term 
to  be  filled. 

For  some  reason  very  little  heat  was  developed 
in  the  race  for  the  senatorship  until  shortly  before 
the  meeting  of  the  legislature.  It  is  possible  that 
the  resignation  of  Grimes  detracted  somewhat  from 

143 


144         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

the  bitterness  and  excitement  which  earlier  in  the 
year  had  been  expected.  While  the  vacancy  was  an 
added  prize  to  be  fought  for,  it  nevertheless  drew  off 
from  the  contest  for  the  long  term  a  number  of 
aspirants  of  lesser  calibre,  and  thus  decreased  the 
intensity  of  the  rivalry.  Moreover,  the  men  who 
soon  came  to  be  recognized  as  the  leading  candidates 
for  the  long  term  conducted  their  campaigns  with  a 
dignity  and  apparent  good  will  which  scorned  per- 
sonal attacks  or  vilification  of  rivals. 

During  the  fall  campaign  there  was  some  dis- 
cussion of  the  senatorial  question.  In  Lee  County 
for  instance  the  Republicans  in  convention  declared 
their  faith  in  the  integrity  and  ability  of  George  G. 
Wright,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Iowa, 
whom  they  endorsed  as  their  preference  for  United 
States  Senator.253  Similar  expressions  of  approval 
from  other  counties  gave  evidence  of  the  Judge's 
popularity. 

Apparently  in  some  minds  there  was  a  hope  of 
executive  appointment  to  fill  the  vacancy,  for  Gov- 
ernor Merrill  was  beset  with  clamorous  inquiries  as 
to  the  course  he  intended  to  pursue.  In  November 
he  made  a  reply  which  dispelled  all  dreams  of  such  a 
consummation.  He  stated  that  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators  was  clearly  a  right  and  duty  of  the 
legislature,  and  that  appointment  by  the  Governor 
should  only  be  resorted  to  in  case  of  an  emergency, 
which  in  this  case  did  not  exist.  He  would,  there- 
fore, leave  the  place  open  until  the  meeting  of  the 
General  Assembly  only  a  few  weeks  later.254  This 


ELECTION  OF  WRIGHT  AND  HOWELL      145 

eminently  wise  attitude  of  Governor  Merrill  met 
with  general  sanction,  although  there  were  not  want- 
ing those  who  thought  they  could  detect  in  it  a 
scheme  to  appropriate  the  senatorship  for  himself. 

A  correspondent  to  a  Chicago  newspaper  who 
signed  himself  "Bet",  writing  late  in  November, 
1869,  reviewed  in  an  apparently  unbiased  manner 
the  contest  as  it  had  progressed  thus  far.  "Behind 
the  Legislature,  among  the  people,  among  the  farm- 
ing and  laboring  classes,"  he  said  there  would  be  a 
power  moving  in  favor  of  George  W.  Wright  which 
would  be  difficult  to  defeat.  The  purity  and  honesty 
of  Wright's  public  and  private  life,  as  well  as  his 
recognized  abilities,  were  the  qualities  which  gained 
for  him  a  warm  place  in  the  affections  of  the  people. 
"As  to  locality, —  a  question  which  will  enter  very 
largely  into  the  fight,"  continued  the  writer,  "Mr. 
Wright's  position  [at  Des  Moines]  is  one  that  is 
considered  favorable  by  some  and  unfavorable  by 
others.  .  .  .  The  Senators  have  so  long  been  in 
the  extreme  South  that  the  extreme  North  will  make 
locality  one  of  the  strongest  arguments  in  their 
presentation  of  a  candidate." 

William  B.  Allison  of  Dubuque,  who  since  1862 
had  brought  honor  to  himself  and  his  State  by  dis- 
tinguished service  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress, 
was  the  man  upon  whom  the  north  generally  united. 
Furthermore,  the  correspondent  asserted  that  Alli- 
son had  many  strong  friends  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  State,  among  them  being  James  F.  Wilson, 
who,  in  spite  of  much  urging,  had  refused  to  enter 

10 


146         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

the  contest  himself.  It  was  suggested  that  in  addi- 
tion to  this  element  of  personal  friendship  between 
the  two  men,  "it  should  be  remembered,  if  the  North 
has  a  Senator  in  the  seat  of  Grimes,  the  South  may 
ask  and  receive  the  Senator  that  will  take  the  seat 
of  Harlan,  by  which  time  Mr.  Wilson  may  be  more 
Senatorially  willing  than  he  now  is. ' ' 

Dennis  N.  Cooley  and  George  E.  Willett,  of 
Dubuque  and  Decorah  respectively,  were  other  men 
spoken  of  as  possibilities  for  the  long  term.  The 
former  especially  had  a  good  following  and  num- 
bered among  his  friends  James  Harlan,  who  would 
have  the  same  motive  for  supporting  Cooley  that 
might  influence  Wilson  in  the  case  of  Allison.  The 
name  of  Governor  Samuel  Merrill  was  being  used  in 
many  quarters,  and  "Bet"  expressed  the  opinion 
that  he  would  be  elected  if  the  necessity  for  a  com- 
promise candidate  should  arise. 

Prominent  among  the  candidates  for  the  short 
term  were  William  Vandever  and  Josiah  B.  Grin- 
nell.  Both  of  these  men  had  been  in  Congress,  and 
Grinnell  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  debates 
during  the  early  years  of  Eeconstruction.  It  was  in 
consequence  of  bitter  charges  made  by  him  during  a 
debate  on  the  Freedman's  Bureau  in  1866  that  Grin- 
nell had  been  violently  assaulted  by  Lovell  H. 
Eousseau  of  Kentucky.  Grinnell  was  entirely  un- 
prepared for  the  attack,  and  before  he  could 
prevent  it  he  received  several  blows  on  the  head 
from  a  heavy  cane.  The  fact  that  Eousseau  escaped 
with  nothing  more  severe  than  a  public  reprimand 


ELECTION  OF  WRIGHT  AND  HOWELL      147 

seems  to  have  been  a  great  disappointment  to  Grin- 
nell's  constituents.  For  in  commenting  upon  his 
chances  for  the  senatorship  the  correspondent  said 
that  "be  the  notion  right  or  wrong,  the  expression 
is  very  common  in  Iowa  that  Mr.  Grinnell  could 
have  from  this  people  anything  he  would  ask,  if  he 
had  given  Eousseau  'as  good  or  better  than  he 
sent.'  "255 

These  then  were  the  men  whose  names  appeared 
most  often  in  the  political  columns  of  Iowa  news- 
papers during  the  weeks  immediately  preceding  the 
meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  on  January  10, 
1870.  Various  predictions  as  to  the  outcome  were 
made,  but  it  was  generally  conceded  that  the  real 
contest  for  the  long  term  lay  between  George  G. 
Wright  and  William  B.  Allison.  It  was  the  old 
struggle  of  section  against  section  reappearing  in 
full  vigor  in  spite  of  efforts  to  repress  it.  The  oc- 
casional bitterness  exhibited  during  the  campaign 
was  due  more  to  this  sectional  jealousy  than  to  the 
rivalry  of  the  leading  candidates. 

The  convening  of  the  legislature,  as  usual,  was 
the  signal  which  brought  flocking  to  Des  Moines  a 
host  of  political  retainers  and  lobbyists.  Wright, 
Allison,  and  Merrill  were  all  represented  in  the 
capital  city  by  ardent  supporters  several  days  be- 
fore the  opening  of  the  legislative  session.  "From 
Friday  the  7th  up  to  Thursday  evening  of  the  Cau- 
cus ' ',  was  the  graphic  account  given  by  Benjamin  F. 
Gue,  at  the  time  editor  of  a  Fort  Dodge  newspaper 
and  a  strong  champion  of  Judge  Wright,  "fresh 


148         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

delegations  of  Allison  men  arrived  on  every  train. 
They  swarmed  in  every  part  of  the  city,  over- 
whelmed the  Savery,  gobbled  up  every  member  of 
the  Legislature  upon  his  arrival,  worked  with  that 
determined  energy,  confidence  and  assurance  of  suc- 
cess, that  intimidated  the  inexperienced,  shook  the 
confidence  of  many  of  their  most  sanguine  oppo- 
nents, and  carried  over  into  their  ranks  many  of  the 
new  members  by  sheer  force  of  bluster  and  apparent 
confidence  of  certain  victory.  A  few  of  the  old 
veterans  however,  who  had  passed  through  such 
fights  before,  were  not  alarmed,  but  quietly  watched 
every  move,  and  never  for  a  moment  ceased  their 
earnest  work  needed  to  match  the  tireless  vigilance 
of  their  wily  opponents.  "256 

It  was  claimed  that  the  Allison  forces  were 
especially  well  organized  and  that  they  were  sup- 
ported by  the  combined  railroad  influence  of  the 
State,  as  well  as  by  a  majority  of  the  Federal  officials 
from  Iowa.  Nevertheless,  on  the  first  day  of  the 
session  Aylett  E.  Cotton,  an  acknowledged  friend  of 
Judge  Wright,  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  by 
a  large  majority.  This  election  seems  to  have 
brought  alarm  to  the  Allison  camp,  and  if  a  con- 
temporary writer  is  to  be  believed,  '  '  dispatches  were 
hurried  off  to  bring  in  more  help."  The  next  three 
days  were  filled  with  excitement,  and  as  the  time  for 
the  caucus  drew  near  each  side  was  confident  of 
victory.257 

On  Thursday  evening,  January  13th,  the  Repub- 
lican caucus  was  held  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of 


ELECTION  OF  WRIGHT  AND  HOWELL      149 

Representatives.  One  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
legislators  were  present,  and  consequently  it  would 
require  sixty-four  votes  to  nominate.  After  some 
preliminary  skirmishing  the  caucus  proceeded  to  an 
informal  ballot  for  the  long  term.  A  counting  of  the 
ballots  revealed  the  fact  that  George  G.  Wright 
lacked  only  one  vote  of  nomination.  William  B. 
Allison,  much  to  the  surprise  of  everyone,  received 
only  thirty-nine  votes;  while  Samuel  Merrill  re- 
ceived twenty-four,  and  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  one. 
One  formal  ballot  was  all  that  was  needed,  for 
Wright  received  sixty-six,  or  two  more  than  the  re- 
quired number  of  votes.  Allison  forged  ahead  to 
forty-seven,  Merrill  dropped  to  thirteen,  and  one 
solitary  man  persisted  in  voting  for  Kirkwood. 

Following  the  nomination  for  the  long  term  an 
informal  ballot  for  the  short  term  was  taken. 
Josiah  B.  Grinnell  and  James  B.  Howell  stood  in  the 
lead,  receiving  thirty-nine  and  thirty-eight  votes 
respectively.  Nine  other  men  were  given  votes 
ranging  in  number  from  one  to  twenty-four.  On 
the  first  formal  ballot  the  number  of  names  was  re- 
duced to  six.  No  one,  however,  received  the  required 
number  of  votes.  Two  more  names  were  dropped 
on  the  second  ballot ;  but  again  there  was  no  choice, 
although  Howell  was  rapidly  gaining  over  Grinnell. 
On  the  third  ballot  Howell  received  seventy  votes 
and  was  declared  the  nominee  for  the  short  term.258 

Seventeen  men  constituted  the  Democratic  cau- 
cus, the  deliberations  of  which  were  comparatively 
uninteresting.  Thomas  W.  Claggett  of  Keokuk,  a 


150         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

well  known  figure  in  Iowa  politics,  was  declared  the 
nominee  of  the  party  for  the  long  term  by  acclama- 
tion. An  informal  ballot  for  the  short  term  resulted 
in  eight  votes  for  John  T.  Stoneman,  five  for  W.  J. 
Knight,  three  for  William  E.  Leffingwell,  and  one  for 
D.  M.  Harris.  No  formal  ballot  was  taken,  the  nom- 
ination going  to  Stoneman  by  acclamation.259 

The  senatorial  question  was  virtually  decided  in 
the  Eepublican  caucus,  and  it  only  remained  for  the 
choice  to  be  confirmed  by  the  legislature  as  an  of- 
ficial body.  This  year  for  the  first  time  a  new 
system  of  electing  United  States  Senators  was  em- 
ployed. In  July,  1866,  Congress  passed  an  act 
providing  that  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  the  session 
preceding  the  expiration  of  a  senatorial  term,  each 
house  of  the  legislature  should  choose  separately  a 
man  for  Senator.  At  twelve  o  'clock  on  the  following 
day  the  houses  were  to  meet  in  joint  convention  and 
the  journals  were  to  be  compared.  If  it  was  found 
that  the  same  man  had  received  a  majority  of  the 
votes  in  each  house  he  was  to  be  declared  elected. 
In  case  the  same  man  had  not  received  a  majority  in 
each  house,  or  if  for  some  reason  one  house  had 
failed  to  make  a  choice,  the  joint  convention  was  to 
proceed  with  the  election  in  the  old  manner.260 

Consequently  on  Tuesday,  January  18, 1870,  each 
house  of  the  General  Assembly  voted  separately  for 
United  States  Senator.  In  each  house  George  G. 
Wright  received  the  solid  Eepublican  vote,  which 
was  a  large  majority,  for  the  long  term  over  Thomas 
W.  Claggett,  the  Democratic  nominee.  James  B. 


ELECTION  OF  WRIGHT  AND  HOWELL      151 

Howell  was  equally  victorious  over  John  T.  Stone- 
man  in  the  vote  for  the  vacancy.261  At  noon  on  the 
following  day  the  joint  convention  went  through  the 
form  of  declaring  that  Wright  and  Howell  had  been 
duly  elected  Senators.262 

George  G.  Wright  was  a  man  well  fitted  both  by 
training  and  by  knowledge  of  the  needs  of  his  con- 
stituents for  the  position  to  which  he  was  elected. 
He  had  lived  in  Iowa  since  Territorial  days,  having 
entered  upon  the  practice  of  law  at  Keosauqua  in 
1840.  He  had  served  as  Prosecuting  Attorney  of 
Van  Buren  County,  and  as  State  Senator.  In  1850 
he  was  a  Whig  candidate  for  Congress,  but  the  de- 
clining strength  of  his  party  defeated  him.  His 
legal  ability  received  recognition  in  1855  when  he 
was  elected  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Iowa,  and  it  was  from  this  exalted  position  that  he 
stepped  into  the  senatorship  on  March  4,  1871.  The 
six  years  during  which  he  represented  Iowa  in  the 
Senate  brought  added  credit  to  a  name  which  must 
ever  stand  in  the  annals  of  the  State  as  synonymous 
with  honesty  and  uprightness  in  public  and  private 
life.  The  only  regret  is  that  Wright  was  not  chosen 
for  the  vacancy  as  well  as  for  the  long  term.  James 
B.  Howell  was  eminently  worthy  of  the  honor  con- 
ferred upon  him,  but  his  period  of  service  was  so 
short  that  he  could  be  little  more  than  a  silent  mem- 
ber. By  the  time  he  had  become  sufficiently  ac- 
quainted with  the  manner  of  conducting  business  in 
the  Senate  to  be  of  real  service  to  his  constituency 
he  was  forced  to  retire. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON 

IN  1872 

SCAKCELY  had  George  G.  Wright  been  chosen  United 
States  Senator  from  Iowa,  in  January,  1870,  before 
conferences  were  held  and  plans  were  made  for  the 
contest  which  would  occur  two  years  later,  when  a 
successor  to  James  Harlan  would  be  elected. 
William  B.  Allison,  apparently  against  his  own  in- 
clinations, was  persuaded  by  his  friends  to  com- 
mence immediate  preparations  for  another  race  for 
the  position  which  had  so  lately  been  denied  him. 
And  so  even  at  that  early  day  a  quiet  canvass  was 
begun.263 

But  it  was  not  until  the  midsummer  of  1871  that 
the  question  of  the  senatorial  succession  claimed 
public  attention  to  any  great  extent.  From  that 
time,  however,  until  the  close  of  the  struggle  in 
January,  1872,  there  was  waged  a  campaign  which  is 
one  of  the  most  interesting  political  contests  in  Iowa 
history.  It  was  preeminently  a  contest  between  per- 
sons. Throughout  the  weeks  and  months  of  the 
campaign  the  newspapers,  for  the  most  part  lined 
up  on  one  side  or  the  other,  teemed  with  bitter  and 
abusive  personal  attacks.  The  lives  and  records  of 
the  leading  candidates  were  paraded  before  the  pub- 

152 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        153 

lie  with  a  vindictiveness  which  left  unexploited  no 
incident  which  could  possibly  be  turned  into  political 
capital.  Locality  also  played  its  usual  role.  The 
northern  part  of  the  State  had  never  had  a  Bepub- 
lican  United  States  Senator,  and  it  clamored  more 
loudly  than  ever  for  this  coveted  recognition.  Na- 
tional questions  were  little  discussed,  except  as  they 
were  made  the  occasion  for  personal  attacks. 

It  was  early  recognized  that  the  real  contest 
would  lie  between  James  Harlan  and  William  B. 
Allison.  The  claims  of  each  man  were  presented 
with  comparative  calmness  and  moderation  until  the 
latter  part  of  June,  1871,  when  an  acrimonious  de- 
bate was  aroused  by  an  insignificant  incident.  It 
seems  that  J.  P.  Newman,  Chaplain  of  the  Metropol- 
itan Methodist  Church  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  the 
church  which  James  Harlan  attended,  wrote  a  num- 
ber of  letters  to  Methodist  clergymen  in  Iowa  urging 
them  to  support  Harlan  for  the  senatorship.264  In 
some  way  this  letter  came  into  the  hands  of  Har- 
lan 's  enemies,  and  a  great  furor  was  raised  over 
it.  Whether  true  or  not,  the  statement  was  made 
that  the  letter  had  been  lithographed  and  sent  broad- 
cast among  the  Methodist  clergy.  In  long  columns 
of  editorials  the  letter  was  denounced  as  an  attempt 
to  make  a  political  machine  out  of  the  Methodist 
church,  and  as  an  appeal  to  sectarian  prejudice  for 
political  purposes.  In  columns  just  as  long  the  edi- 
tors friendly  to  Harlan  denied  that  the  letter  was 
more  than  a  personal  one  written  by  Newman  to  a 
few  friends.  They  asserted  that  its  contents  were 


154         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

perfectly  honorable  and  that  it  had  nothing  to  do 
with  sectarianism. 

James  Harlan  took  a  hand  in  the  fray  and  wrote 
a  long  letter  to  the  public.  He  denied  the  statement 
that  Newman  had  sent  a  lithographed  letter  to  Iowa. 
He  could  not  understand,  he  said,  why  he  had  been 
singled  out  for  persecution  because  of  his  religious 
affiliations,  when  the  church  connections  of  other  can- 
didates now  or  in  previous  years  had  not  been  ques- 
tioned. He  considered  the  whole  agitation  as  an  effort 
on  the  part  of  his  opponents  to  "secure  a  compact 
combination  of  all '  free  thinkers '  within  the  Republic- 
an organization,  under  cover  of  a  foreign  language, 
in  favor  of  a  candidate;  and  then  a  combination  of 
the  members  of  various  religious  denominations,  by 
an  appeal  to  sectarian  prejudice ;  and  lastly,  to  intim- 
idate, silence,  and  render  inactive,  those  who  may 
happen  to  be  members  of  another  denomination  by 
an  outcry  against  church  influence. '  *265 

Harlan 's  letter  served  only  to  intensify  the  bit- 
terness of  the  struggle.  "What  right  has  Mr. 
Harlan  to  assert  that  the  opposition  manifested 
towards  him  is  because  of  his  church  fellowship", 
asked  Jacob  Rich,  editor  of  The  Dubuque  Times  and 
a  warm  friend  of  Allison,  "and  that  Methodism  in 
his  case  appears  as  a  badge  of  dishonor?  Such  a 
statement  gravely  put  forth  by  such  a  man  as  Mr. 
Harlan,  under  such  circumstances,  is  the  most  trans- 
parent demagoguery.  .  .  .  We  can  not  believe 
that  Mr.  Harlan  is  likely  to  enhance  the  degree  of 
respect  felt  for  him,  by  this  attempt  to  make  himself 
appear  as  a  martyr  to  Christian  principles".266 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        155 

Other  editors  came  to  Harlan 's  support  with  dec- 
larations that  it  was  to  his  honor  that  he  had  such  a 
good  standing  in  his  church.  Harlan 's  traducers 
were  likened  to  a  party  of  young  men,  who,  when  out 
on  a  lark,  sometimes  ridicule  one  of  their  number 
who  refuses  to  join  in  their  carousals  by  calling  him 
a  "Sunday  School  Teacher ",267  For  more  than  a 
month  the  papers  were  full  of  comments  on  the 
Newman  letter,  and  then  it  was  gradually  forgotten 
in  the  discussion  of  other  things. 

Another  episode  which  occurred  about  this  same 
time  was  referred  to  by  James  Harlan  in  his  charge 
of  an  attempt  being  made  to  draw  together  all  the 
"free  thinkers "  in  the  party  "under  cover  of  a  for- 
eign language ".  Theodore  Guelich,  the  editor  of  a 
German  newspaper  printed  at  Burlington,  published 
what  purported  to  be  an  address  to  the  Germans  of 
Iowa  adopted  by  a  German  convention.  It  is  evident 
that  parts  of  the  address  as  published,  especially 
the  part  referring  by  name  to  James  Harlan,  were 
without  authority  from  the  convention.268  At  any 
rate  it  brought  down  upon  the  editor  a  storm  of 
condemnation  from  all  sides.  The  term  "liberal 
Eepublicans ' '  as  used  in  the  address  was  now  inter- 
preted by  some  of  Harlan 's  friends  as  meaning 
liberal  in  the  religious  sense.  The  charge  of  a  com- 
bination of  "free  thinkers "  against  Harlan  was  the 
outcome  of  this  interpretation.  The  address  was 
also  denounced  as  an  attempt  to  organize  a  nation- 
ality in  politics,  to  array  the  Germans  in  a  solid 
phalanx  merely  on  the  grounds  of  a  common  mother 


156         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

tongue,  and  for  the  purpose  of  gratifying  the  spite  of 
a  few  self-constituted  leaders.  It  was  branded  as  "a 
hateful  and  disgusting  piece  of  'Knownothingism' 
which  ought  to  have  and  must  have  no  place  in 
American  politics."269 

Meanwhile  the  sectional  plea  was  being  strongly 
urged  in  support  of  William  B.  Allison.  It  would 
be  a  mistake,  however,  to  suppose  that  the  adherents 
of  either  candidate  were  confined  to  any  particular 
section  of  the  State.  Up  in  Clayton  County  the 
editor  of  the  McGregor  News  strongly  favored 
James  Harlan,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  venture 
the  opinion  early  in  the  campaign  that  two-thirds  of 
the  Eepublicans  of  northern  Iowa  had  the  same 
preference.270  The  leading  Eepublican  journals  in 
Sioux  City,  Fort  Dodge,  and  other  places  in  the 
northern  and  western  parts  of  the  State  were  ar- 
rayed on  the  side  of  Harlan.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Iowa  State  Register  at  Des  Moines  and  several 
newspapers  published  in  the  southern  section  were 
warm  in  their  advocacy  of  Allison.  Other  candi- 
dates attracted  scattering  support  without  regard  to 
locality  as  the  contest  progressed.  But  in  the  main 
the  north  was  for  Allison;  while  the  south  —  more 
especially  the  southeast  —  rallied  around  its  favor- 
ite and  much-favored  son,  James  Harlan. 

The  Democrats  seemingly  took  a  greater  interest 
in  the  senatorial  race  than  had  usually  been  the  case 
since  they  had  been  so  much  in  the  minority  as  to 
have  no  hope  of  electing  a  Senator  from  their  own 
number.  Democratic  editors  devoted  considerable 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        157 

space  to  comments  on  the  leading  candidates,  thus 
furnishing  fuel  for  the  wrath  of  the  opposing  forces. 
Democratic  praise  of  Allison  was  sure  to  bring  forth 
sarcastic  remarks  from  the  friends  of  Harlan,  and 
vice  versa.  Thus  an  editor  declared  that  since  the 
"endeavor  to  weaken  Senator  Harlan  before  the 
people"  had  begun,  "the  whole  pack  of  Democratic 
hounds  hearing  the  yelp  of  one  join  in  a  general 
chorus  dogging  the  track  of  the  man  whom  they  hate 
because  of  his  high  services  to  the  country  and  his 
exalted  ability;  all  this  is  well  for  him."  For,  he 
said,  "if  democrats  take  sides  as  between  two  Re- 
publicans,  the  one  they  attack  we  should  most 
respect."271  A  Burlington  editor  was  indiscreet 
enough  to  print  a  number  of  quotations  from  Demo- 
cratic newspapers  in  support  of  Harlan,  and  he  was 
duly  ridiculed  by  an  Allison  paper.272 

The  attitude  of  the  two  candidates  toward  the 
administration  of  President  Grant  was  another  mat- 
ter which  was  made  a  basis  for  criticism,  and  was 
one  of  the  few  instances  in  which  national  issues  of 
the  day  played  a  part  in  the  contest.  A  revolt  in  the 
Republican  party,  chiefly  against  the  extreme  co- 
ercive measures  employed  in  connection  with  Recon- 
struction in  the  South,  had  resulted  in  the  formation 
of  the  so-called  "liberal"  wing  of  the  party,  which 
nominated  Horace  Greeley  for  President  in  May, 
1872.  During  the  senatorial  campaign  in  Iowa  it 
was  a  favorite  pastime  of  Allison's  detractors  to 
insist  that  he  should  not  be  elected  because  he  was 
in  sympathy  with  this  new  movement  of  opposition 


158         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

to  the  administration.  It  was  doubtless  true  that 
Allison's  strongest  support  came  from  this  element 
which  was  composed  largely  of  the  younger  men  in 
the  party;  but  his  friends  stoutly  asserted  that  he 
had  always  been  a  strong  upholder  of  Grant's 
policies.  While  Harlan  was  not  classed  with  the 
liberals  by  his  opponents,  it  was  charged  that  in 
many  respects  he  and  some  of  his  most  prominent 
followers  were  at  variance  with  the  principles  of 
Eepublicanism  as  embodied  in  the  policies  of  the  ad- 
ministration.273 

So  violent  an  agitation  of  the  senatorial  question 
so  long  before  even  the  legislators  were  chosen  was 
deprecated  in  many  quarters.  Judging  from  the 
contest  as  carried  on  it  was  declared  that  a  person 
might  think  that  there  were  only  two  men  in  Iowa 
eligible  to  the  office  of  Senator.  Editors  who  took 
this  view  proceeded  to  name  a  number  of  other  men 
who  were  worthy  of  the  position  and  who  were  being 
talked  of  by  the  people.  Among  those  named  were 
Frank  W.  Palmer,  William  W.  Belknap,  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood,  William  M.  Stone,  Henry  O'Connor, 
Grenville  M.  Dodge,  C.  F.  Clarkson,  Samuel  Merrill, 
and  James  F.  Wilson.274 

Among  these  secondary  candidates  James  F. 
Wilson  of  Fairfield  rapidly  gained  the  strongest 
support.  Indeed,  it  soon  became  apparent  that  he 
might  hold  the  balance  of  power  and  seriously  en- 
danger the  prospects  of  the  two  leading  contestants. 
Wilson  was  a  well-known  figure  in  Iowa  politics. 
He  had  served  in  both  houses  of  the  General  As- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        159 

sembly  of  the  State,  and  had  been  in  Congress  four 
terms  as  Eepresentative  from  the  First  District. 
Consequently,  when,  about  the  first  of  September, 
he  definitely  announced  his  willingness  to  be  con- 
sidered for  the  senatorship  a  goodly  following 
immediately  rallied  to  his  support.  "The  bitter 
strife  raging  in  the  Eepublican  party  has  born 
glorious  fruit, ' '  came  the  enthusiastic  greeting  from 
Marshalltown,  "in  as  much  as  it  has  been  the  means 
of  calling  out  from  his  voluntary  retirement,  one  of 
the  greatest  men  of  this  nation.  .  .  .  We  reiter- 
ate, that  the  U.  S.  Senator  question  is  as  effectually 
disposed  of  as  though  the  election  had  already  been 
held,  and  James  F.  Wilson  is  the  man."275  A  num- 
ber of  other  editors  in  different  sections  of  the  State 
took  up  the  fight  for  Wilson  —  some  because  they 
believed  he  was  the  strongest  man,  others  because 
they  were  weary  of  the  struggle  between  Harlan  and 
Allison  and  were  ready  for  a  compromise  candidate. 
Newspaper  opinion  was  a  fair  index  to  public  senti- 
ment. At  a  convention  of  Butler,  Floyd,  and  Mitchell 
counties,  held  at  Charles  City,  a  vote  of  preference 
for  United  States  Senator  was  taken.  The  result 
was  that  Wilson  received  more  votes  even  than  Al- 
lison, although  the  convention  was  held  right  in  the 
heart  of  the  latter 's  territory.276 

The  opposition  to  Wilson  came  chiefly  from  the 
Harlan  camp.  One  of  Harlan's  most  ardent  sup- 
porters took  it  upon  himself  on  several  occasions  to 
charge  Wilson  with  unfairness  to  Allison  in  thus 
entering  the  race  after  having  shown  every  evidence 


160         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

of  friendliness  to  the  northern  candidate.277  Per- 
haps this  was  an  effort  to  stir  up  bitterness  between 
the  friends  of  Allison  and  those  of  Wilson,  but  if  so 
it  failed  to  accomplish  the  desired  end.  Allison 
newspapers  paid  but  little  attention  to  the  Wilson 
boom,  and  this  fact  led  to  the  belief  in  some  quarters 
that  it  was  merely  a  diversion  for  Allison's  benefit. 

As  the  time  for  the  State  elections  drew  near 
frequent  complaints  were  made  that  the  question  of 
the  senatorial  succession  was  overshadowing  all 
others,  and  that  in  some  localities  it  was  imperiling 
the  success  of  the  Eepublican  legislative  ticket.  "It 
is  strongly  intimated  that  Mr.  Harlan's  friends  de- 
sire the  defeat  of  ex-Gov.  Kirkwood  for  State  Sena- 
tor in  the  Johnson  County  District",  ran  a  communi- 
cation in  a  Des  Moines  newspaper.  "I  can  hardly 
credit  it.  If  Harlanism  is  the  defeat  of  the  Eepub- 
lican nominations,  in  the  fear  that  Republicans 
elected  may  support  Mr.  Allison,  Mr.  Wilson  or 
Gov.  Merrill,  it  is  about  time  that  we  run  all  our 
campaigns  on  personal  issues  and  not  on  the  great 
issues  of  the  nation  and  the  Eepublican  party.  "278 
Jacob  Eich  of  Dubuque  in  referring  to  the  bolting 
of  legislative  nominations  asserted  that  the  bolting 
occurred  only  in  districts  in  which  the  Eepublicans 
had  not  nominated  candidates  favorable  to  Har- 
lan.279 

Down  in  the  southeastern  corner  of  the  State 
political  affairs  were  in  a  like  unfortunate  condition. 
"As  we  understand  it",  was  an  editorial  comment 
on  the  situation,  "the  powerful  malcontents  are  not 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        161 

Allison  men  in  any  strict  sense  —  they  are  simply 
and  hotly  anti-Harlan,  and  favor  any  good  man's 
election  over  him.  We  have  had  all  proper  respect 
for  Mr.  Harlan,  but  we  do  not  believe  that  he  is  of 
sufficient  state  or  national  importance,  or  of  suf- 
ficient importance  to  any  but  the  local  office-holding 
and  office-seeking  class,  to  justify  the  throwing  of 
five  Eepublican  counties  to  the  dogs.  Certain  locali- 
ties in  the  upper  part  of  the  State  are  in  like  manner 
foaming  at  the  mouth,  having  been  gashed  by  Al- 
lisonian  fangs.  This  is,  truly,  a  nice  fight  !"280 

After  the  election,  which  resulted  in  an  over- 
whelming Eepublican  victory,  the  charges  which  had 
been  made  in  prediction  were  reiterated  in  retro- 
spection. In  some  counties  the  friends  of  Allison 
were  made  to  shoulder  the  blame  for  Democratic 
victories  over  Eepublican  candidates  known  to  favor 
Harlan.  In  other  districts  like  censure  was  heaped 
upon  Harlan 's  supporters.  The  fight  now  assumed 
a  more  bitter  and  determined  character  than  before. 
Every  possible  effort  was  made  through  the  press 
and  through  personal  solicitation  to  influence  the 
legislators  elect.  The  partisans  evinced  a  greater 
disposition  to  attack  the  record  and  reputation  of 
the  leader  of  the  opposing  forces  than  to  adduce 
elaborate  arguments  in  support  of  their  own  candi- 
date. The  careers  of  both  James  Harlan  and 
William  B.  Allison  were  now  held  up  to  the  public 
in  a  spirit  of  malignant  criticism.  Allison,  however, 
fared  easier  than  his  opponent,  for  Harlan  was  sub- 
jected to  a  grilling  such  as  has  seldom  if  ever  fallen 

11 


162         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

to  the  lot  of  a  candidate  in  a  political  campaign  in 
Iowa. 

The  most  serious  charges  brought  against  Har- 
lan  were  in  regard  to  his  conduct  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  during  the  year  from  May,  1865,  to  July, 
1866,  in  which  he  held  that  position.  It  was  asserted 
that  Harlan  had  secured  the  passage  of  a  joint  reso- 
lution by  Congress  diverting  large  sums  of  money 
for  the  purpose  of  clothing  and  feeding  the  Indians 
in  the  southwestern  part  of  the  United  States.  This 
money,  it  was  claimed,  had  been  fraudulently  used. 
Enormous  prices  had  been  paid  for  grain  to  the  firm 
of  Perry  Fuller  and  Company,  and  a  portion  of  the 
profit  thus  derived  was  employed  in  Harlan 's  ser- 
vice in  the  senatorial  campaign  against  Kirkwood  in 
1865.  Harlan,  who  formerly  had  lived  very  plainly, 
about  this  time  was  said  to  have  purchased  an  ex- 
pensive house  in  Washington  and  to  have  furnished 
it  in  magnificent  style. 

Another  item  in  the  indictment  of  James  Harlan 
in  connection  with  the  secretaryship  was  that  he  had 
caused  to  be  placed  upon  the  pension  rolls  the  names 
of  nearly  three  hundred  Indians,  in  defiance  of  law, 
custom,  and  usage.  Through  this  means  the  govern- 
ment had  been  defrauded  out  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars.  Again  it  was  claimed  that 
Harlan  had  authorized  the  sale  of  Cherokee  Indian 
lands  without  properly  advertising  them,  and  that 
there  had  been  fraud  in  the  making  of  a  treaty  with 
the  Delaware  Indians  in  July,  1866.  Frauds  were 
also  charged  in  the  disposition  of  funds  appropri- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        163 

ated  for  the  Washington  aqueduct,  and  in  the 
disbursement  of  the  contingent  fund  of  the  Secre- 
tary's office  —  the  assertion  being  made  that  Har- 
lan's  son  had  been  allowed  to  draw  a  salary  from 
the  government  while  attending  college.281 

Naturally  Harlan  's  friends  did  not  leave  charges 
such  as  these  unanswered.  Not  only  did  they  brand 
them  as  falsehoods,  but  column  after  column  in  the 
newspapers  was  devoted  to  statements  by  United 
States  officials,  high  and  low,  and  to  extracts  from 
proceedings  in  Congress,  all  going  to  prove  that  the 
ex-Secretary  was  not  guilty  of  the  corruption  at- 
tributed to  him.282  But,  as  is  usually  the  case,  to 
demonstrate  to  a  fair-minded  person  that  the 
charges  were  groundless  and  to  counteract  the  in- 
evitable damage  of  such  charges,  however  untrue, 
were  two  different  things.  And  so  up  to  the  very 
last  Harlan  was  called  upon  to  explain  his  actions 
while  in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Johnson. 

The  principal  attack  upon  the  integrity  of 
William  B.  Allison  was  in  connection  with  the  rail- 
roads, particularly  the  Sioux  City  and  Pacific 
Railroad  Company.  James  F.  Wilson  also  received 
his  share  of  denunciation  on  this  charge.  "The 
evidence  shows ",  declared  one  of  their  accusers, 
"that  they  did,  while  members  of  Congress,  unite 
in  the  organization  of  a  railroad  company,  that  they 
did  use  their  official  influence  to  divert  a  branch  of 
the  Pacific  Eailroad,  that  they  did  use  their  official 
influence  to  induce  the  President  to  recognize  their 
company  as  the  proper  company  to  build  said  road, 


164         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

and  that  it  was  so  recognized  and  that  the  said  com- 
pany did  build  that  branch  and  did  get  the 
government  subsidies  therefor."283  Through  this 
company,  in  which  Allison  and  Wilson  were  leading 
stockholders,  the  northern  part  of  the  State  had  been 
deprived  of  the  benefits  of  a  direct  connection  with 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  "It  is  not  believed  here 
that  Mr.  Allison  has  a  clear  record  in  regard  to  this 
railroad ",  wrote  a  Sioux  City  editor.  "It  is  be- 
lieved that  he  took  hold  of  the  enterprise  purely  as 
a  speculation.  It  is  believed  that  he  was  successful. 
—  It  is  known  that  he  attained  his  end  by  betraying 
confidence  reposed  in  him.  And  it  is  further  be- 
lieved that  he  always  stands  ready  to  sell  out  his 
friends  to  advance  his  own  selfish  interests."284 
There  is  no  doubt  but  that  these  charges,  although 
energetically  refuted  by  Allison's  friends,  were  the 
cause  of  much  opposition  to  him  in  northern  Iowa. 
Other  arguments,  however,  were  used  against  the 
two  leading  contestants  during  the  progress  of  the 
campaign.  In  1870  James  Harlan  while  in  the  Sen- 
ate had  voted  against  striking  out  the  word  "white" 
during  the  discussion  of  an  amendment  to  the  nat- 
uralization laws.  This  action  was  now  interpreted 
as  faithlessness  to  Eepublican  principles,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  Harlan  had  previously  voted  in  favor 
of  extending  naturalization  to  persons  of  African 
descent.285  The  prediction  that  strong  railroad  in- 
fluence would  be  used  in  Allison's  favor  was  met  by 
a  communication  from  Washington  stating  that  it 
was  rumored  "that  the  New  York  San  Domingo  ring 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        165 

will  use  their  influence,  and  probably  open  their 
purse  strings,  to  aid  in  the  re-election  of  Senator 
Harlan,  also  that  the  High  Tariff  men  of  Pennsyl- 
vania are  earnestly  at  work  for  the  same  pur- 
pose."286 

From  incidents  and  attitudes  in  his  public  career 
criticism  of  James  Harlan  descended  to  matters  of  a 
more  personal  and  petty  character.  His  long  ser- 
vice in  the  Senate,  while  used  as  a  strong  argument 
in  his  support  by  his  friends,  was  at  the  same  time 
one  of  the  objections  urged  against  his  reelection 
by  his  enemies.  "Certainly  Mr.  Harlan,  if  there  is 
in  him  that  grandeur  superior  to  all  other  Iowa  men, 
has  already  been  honored  above  all  other  Iowa 
men",  exclaimed  an  opponent.  "He  could  ask  no 
more;  if  he  is  a  true  American  he  should  not,  and 
would  not,  now  be  found  working  with  might  and 
main,  and  greedy  ambition,  to  secure  still  longer 
lease  of  power."287  Again  it  was  argued  that  the 
interests  of  the  State  demanded  a  harmonious  dele- 
gation at  Washington,  whereas  Harlan  had  assumed 
a  dictatorial  attitude  and  was  distinctly  an  element 
of  discord.  Moreover,  he  had  resided  in  the  capital 
city  of  the  Nation  almost  entirely  for  the  past 
eighteen  years,  and  had  therefore  lost  touch  with 
Iowa  people  and  conditions.288  He  was  accused  of 
using  the  franking  privilege  to  transmit  copies  of  a 
Mount  Pleasant  newspaper  over  the  State  as  a  cam- 
paign document.289  And  to  such  disgraceful  lengths 
did  some  of  his  traducers  go  that  one  editor  raised 
the  ridiculous  question  of  whether  Mrs.  Harlan 


166         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

possessed  the  qualities  most  desirable  in  a  Senator's 
wife,  since  at  one  time  in  her  life  she  had  been  a  mil- 
liner.290 

Allison  was  a  comparatively  new  man  in  the 
arena  of  Iowa  politics  outside  of  his  own  district,  he 
had  fewer  personal  enemies  than  his  opponent,  and 
consequently  he  was  not  the  target  for  so  many  bit- 
ter attacks.  He  was  charged  with  holding  free-trade 
ideas,  and  with  having  sided  with  the  Democrats  in 
the  preceding  session  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of 
tariff  reform.291  And  it  was  claimed  that  he  was 
using  the  Federal  patronage  to  further  his  interests 
in  the  senatorial  race.292  But  he  escaped  with  but 
little  of  the  malicious  criticism  accorded  to  Harlan. 

The  Fourteenth  General  Assembly  convened  on 
January  8, 1872,  and  for  more  than  a  week  in  advance 
the  Savery  Hotel  in  Des  Moines  was  the  scene  of 
conferences  and  preliminary  caucuses  made  up  of  the 
friends  of  the  rival  candidates.  So  well  had  the 
situation  been  canvassed  that  on  the  night  of  Janu- 
ary 10th,  the  third  day  of  the  session,  the  Repub- 
licans held  their  senatorial  caucus.  Surprise  and 
disappointment  were  in  store  for  the  followers  of 
James  Harlan.  Sixty-one  votes  were  necessary  to 
nominate.  On  the  informal  ballot  Allison  lacked 
only  one  vote  of  nomination,  while  Harlan  received 
the  ballots  of  only  thirty-eight  men.  James  F. 
Wilson  received  twenty-two  votes.  The  first  formal 
ballot  was  fruitless,  showing  little  change  in  the 
relative  positions  of  the  candidates.  The  second 
formal  ballot,  however,  gave  Allison  the  victory  by 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1872        167 

a  margin  of  two  votes  over  the  necessary  number, 
and  by  a  majority  of  twenty- three  over  Harlan.293 

The  Democrats  held  a  caucus  on  the  same  even- 
ing, but  apparently  adjourned  without  making  any 
nomination.294  It  seems  to  have  been  a  fairly  well 
established  custom  in  the  minority  party  by  this 
time  to  cast  the  complimentary  vote  for  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  Governor  in  the  preceding  State 
election,  in  this  instance  Joseph  C.  Knapp  of  Van 
Buren  County. 

The  two  houses  of  the  General  Assembly  met  in 
joint  convention  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Bepre- 
sentatives  on  January  17,  1872.  A  comparison  of 
the  journals  showed  that  Allison  had  received  a 
large  majority  in  both  houses,  and  he  was  therefore 
declared  duly  elected  United  States  Senator  for  the 
term  beginning  March  4, 1873.295 

Thus  was  William  B.  Allison  ushered  into  the 
duties  of  the  position  which  he  held  continuously 
until  the  date  of  his  death,  August  4,  1908.  The 
result  was  accepted  with  good  grace  by  his  defeated 
rival  who  now  bade  farewell  to  official  life.  He  was 
still  to  participate  as  a  candidate  in  other  cam- 
paigns, but  his  power  was  forever  broken.  Through- 
out his  political  career  James  Harlan  was  pursued 
by  a  violent  and  unrelenting  persecution  which  had 
now  gained  its  end  in  his  downfall,  but  the  impartial 
reader  of  history  must  accord  him  a  place  among 
Iowa 's  leading  statesmen. 


XI 

THE  ELECTION  OF  SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD 

IN  1876 

THE  nomination  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  for  Gov- 
ernor by  the  Republican  State  Convention  on  June 
30,  1875,  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  first  act  in 
the  drama  of  the  senatorial  election  of  1876.  It  was 
a  nomination  virtually  forced  upon  the  reluctant  ex- 
Governor  by  an  enthusiastic  convention,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  his  aspiration  to  the  senatorship  was 
known.  If  the  political  enemies  of  the  "War  Gov- 
ernor "  had  been  casting  about  for  means  to  harass 
him  they  could  have  hit  upon  no  better  scheme,  for 
the  nomination  and  subsequent  election  as  Governor 
proved  to  be  a  stumbling  block  in  his  pathway  to  a 
seat  in  the  United  States  Senate.  Within  two  days 
after  the  convention  Kirkwood  received  a  letter  from 
a  friend  who  ruefully  informed  him  that  his  nomina- 
tion for  Governor  meant  his  "funeral  for  Sena- 
tor".296 

The  newspapers  immediately  took  up  the  con- 
troversy. "The  election  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  to  the 
U.  S.  Senate  next  winter  seems  to  be  a  foregone 
conclusion",  wrote  an  admirer  in  the  central  part  of 
the  State.  "His  nomination  for  Governor,  against 
his  protest,  removes  all  possibility  of  the  charge 

168 


THE  ELECTION  OP  KIRKWOOD  IN  1876     169 

[that]  he  sought  it  as  a  stepping  stone  to  the 
Senatorship,  and  the  enthusiasm  with  which  his 
nomination  is  received  throughout  the  State  evi- 
dences the  fact  that  he  is  the  most  popular  man  in 
the  party  and  the  people's  favorite. "297  This  view, 
however,  was  by  no  means  universally  accepted. 
"While  Gov.  Kirkwood  has  reason  to  be  proud  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  party  has  expressed  its 
confidence  and  respect,  it  does  not  follow  that  it  will 
make  him  Senator ",  declared  a  Davenport  editor. 
"His  position  has  its  advantages,  and  possibly  its 
disadvantages, —  this  only  the  canvass  can  deter- 
mine. "298 

As  the  State  campaign  progressed  during  the 
summer  and  early  autumn  the  question  of  the  sena- 
torial succession  received  its  due  share  of  attention, 
and  other  names,  including  that  of  James  Harlan, 
began  to  appear  in  the  public  print  as  participants 
in  the  race.  Some  of  the  bitterness  of  the  preceding 
contest  still  rankled  in  the  breasts  of  certain  of  Har- 
lan 's  opponents  to  such  an  extent  that  the  editor  of 
the  Sioux  City  Journal  felt  called  upon  to  remon- 
strate against  the  tendency  in  some  quarters  "to 
follow  Mr.  Harlan  with  the  ghosts  of  a  past  that 
Iowa  Eepublicans  should  be  willing  to  put  so  far  as 
may  be  out  of  sight  —  for  the  Allison-Harlan  cam- 
paign was  one  to  be  ashamed  of."299 

The  usual  amount  of  space  in  the  newspapers 
was  devoted  to  emphasizing  the  importance  of  elect- 
ing legislators  of  the  proper  political  principles.  It 
was  pointed  out  that  the  State  Senators  elected  that 


170         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

year  would  assist  in  choosing  two  full-term  United 
States  Senators.  Furthermore,  Eepublican  editors 
cited  the  alarming  fact  that  the  lower  house  of  Con- 
gress was  Democratic  by  a  large  majority,  and 
urged  voters  to  rally  to  the  polls  in  support  of  their 
party's  candidates.  "During  the  period  for  which 
our  next  Senator  is  chosen ",  rang  out  the  warning, 
"the  United  States  Senate  may  become  the  only  bar- 
rier to  the  complete  and  unlimited  power  of  those 
who  fought  for  and  sympathized  with  the  slave- 
holders rebellion  —  may  become  the  only  breakwater 
against  that  sea  of  irredeemable  rag  money  with 
which  the  Democrats  threaten  to  overwhelm  us."300 
The  seriousness  of  the  problems  confronting  the 
Nation  were  also  used  as  an  argument  against  "the 
candidacies  of  phenomenally  small  men"  in  the  race 
f or  the  senatorship.  It  was  "not  a  year  for  .  .  .  . 
minnows",  but  those  who  "would  play  whale  at 
all  ought  to  be  fish  of  some  size."301 

Meanwhile  Kirkwood  seemed  reluctant  to  plunge 
into  the  whirlpool  of  the  political  contest  which  lay 
between  him  and  the  desired  goal.  Indeed,  it  is  a 
tribute  to  him  that  at  this  time  and  throughout  the 
entire  campaign  it  required  the  repeated  and  im- 
patient urgings  of  his  friends  to  induce  him  to 
employ  even  the  most  legitimate  and  honorable 
means  to  push  his  own  cause.  J.  N.  Dewey,  a  faith- 
ful and  energetic  supporter,  wrote  from  Des  Moines 
and  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  getting  to  work,  pro- 
vided Kirkwood  had  "decided  to  plunge  in  and  make 
a  bold,  open  stand-up  fight  for  it,  when  the  proper 


THE  ELECTION  OF  KIRKWOOD  IN  1876     171 

time  for  open  offensive  action "  should  arrive.  "I 
know",  he  said,  "how  natural  it  is  in  you  to  shrink 
from  any  such  contest  —  how  loth  to  say,  or  to  do 
anything  of  yourself  for  yourself  ....  you 
must  shake  off  all  that  kind  of  sentiment.  "302  And 
later  in  the  year  Jacob  Rich  wrote  from  Dubuque 
expostulating  with  Kirkwood  for  his  hesitancy  to 
make  a  thorough  canvass  of  the  legislators.  "  There 
are  many  honorable  ways  to  reach  men",  he  de- 
clared, "and  these  ways  you  and  the  immediate 
advisers  about  you  must  study  ....  There  is 
honest  expenditure  —  a  legitimate  use  of  means  — 
in  this."303 

Kirkwood 's  lieutenants,  however,  were  fully 
aware  of  the  necessity  of  playing  the  game  of  politics 
according  to  the  rules  if  they  expected  to  win. 
Numerous  candidates,  some  of  them  professional 
office-seekers  and  not  over-scrupulous  in  their  meth- 
ods, had  appeared  in  the  field.  Moreover,  the  fall 
elections  passed,  leaving  the  State  still  in  the  control 
of  the  Eepublican  party  with  the  unwilling  Kirk- 
wood as  Governor-elect. 

By  the  middle  of  November  five  men  —  Samuel 
J.  Kirkwood,  James  Harlan,  William  W.  Belknap, 
George  W.  McCrary,  and  Hiram  Price  —  stood  out 
clearly  as  possible  winners  in  the  race  for  the  sena- 
torship.  Newspaper  support  was  quite  impartially 
divided  between  these  five  men,  although  it  was  gen- 
erally admitted  that  the  chances  were  in  favor  of 
either  Kirkwood  or  Harlan.  In  fact  almost  up  to  the 
last  day  it  was  difficult  to  predict  with  any  degree  of 


172         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

certainty  what  the  outcome  would  be.  The  editor  of 
the  Pella  Blade  thought "  it  would  be  a  bad  precedent 
to  establish  —  that  of  making  the  executive  chair 
only  a  stepping  stone  to  the  U.  S.  Senate.  Either 
Belknap,  Harlan  or  McCrary  will  suit  us,  but  Kirk- 
wood  not  at  all."304  Another  editor,  however,  ob- 
jected to  the  attempt  "to  crowd  Gov.  Kirkwood  off 
the  track  because  he  has  just  been  elected  Gov- 
ernor", since  it  was  well  known  that  the  office  had 
been  virtually  forced  upon  him.305 

From  Mt.  Pleasant  came  the  statement  that 
"Price  has  lost  ground,  even  among  temperance 
men.  Belknap  is  too  light  timber  altogether,  and 
McCrary,  the  best  man  mentioned  for  the  place,  has 
but  few  followers,  because  neither  he  nor  his  friends 
will  stoop  to  trade  or  barter  for  votes".306  Section- 
alism in  this  contest  seemingly  had  little  to  do  with 
the  distribution  of  the  support  of  the  various  candi- 
dates. George  W.  McCrary  stood  equally  in  favor 
with  an  editor  in  northern  Iowa,  who  thus  stated  his 
senatorial  preference: 

Not  in  favor  of  Kirkwood,  lie  is  Governor  for  the  next 
two  years ;  not  in  favor  of  Harlan,  he  is  tired ;  not  in  favor 
of  Belknap,  he  is  a  military  man ;  not  in  favor  of  Price,  he 
is  being  freely  used  as  a  compromise  candidate ;  but  in  favor 
of  George  W.  McCrary,  the  honest,  the  able,  the  popular 
man.307 

While  the  canvass  as  a  whole  was  quiet  and  good- 
natured  when  compared  with  the  senatorial  contest 
which  preceded  it,  there  were  a  few  instances  of 
vindictiveness.  James  Harlan  was  not  permitted  to 


THE  ELECTION  OF  KIRKWOOD  IN  1876     173 

escape  a  revival  of  the  charges  made  during  the 
former  campaign  and  during  the  Credit  Mobilier  in- 
vestigations in  Congress.  ' 'If  we  take  all  for  Gospel 
truth  that  the  few  opponents  of  Mr.  Harlan  are  say- 
ing about  him  through  the  press  and  in  the  byways ' ', 
facetiously  commented  a  Harlan  admirer,  "hanging 
would  be  a  gentle  death  for  him,  when  compared  to 
his  deserts.  "308  William  W.  Belknap  met  with  ob- 
jection in  some  quarters,  as  has  been  indicated, 
because  he  was  a  military  man,  and  also  on  the 
alleged  ground  that  his  Eepublicanism  was  not  as 
strong  as  it  might  be.  But  against  the  latter  charge 
he  found  ready  defenders  even  among  those  who  did 
not  favor  him  for  the  senatorship.309 

Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  was  the  man,  however,  who 
bore  the  brunt  of  hostile  criticism.  From  the  time 
of  his  acceptance  of  the  nomination  as  Governor 
until  the  day  of  his  election  to  the  Senate  the  gov- 
ernorship was  held  up  by  his  adversaries  as  a  bar 
to  his  hopes.  And  it  must  be  admitted  that  many  of 
his  personal  admirers  accepted  this  objection  as 
valid.  Aside  from  this  argument  which  had  some 
real  foundation,  certain  factional  leaders,  especially 
of  the  Harlan  camp,  seized  every  opportunity  to 
pick  flaws  in  Kirkwood 's  record  or  actions. 

On  November  18th  the  Sioux  City  Journal  pub- 
lished an  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Kirkwood, 
apparently  in  response  to  certain  editorial  com- 
ments. "You  think  I  am  losing  ground  for  the 
reason  that  I  have  not  '  workers  out  cultivating  the 
ground'  ",  wrote  the  Governor.  "It  may  be  that  I 


174         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

am  losing  for  that  reason,  and  if  so,  I  must  continue 
to  lose.  I  cannot  make  a  'dog  fight'  of  this  matter. 
.  .  .  I  think  I  know  myself  pretty  well,  and  I  feel 
sure  that  I  would  not  want  the  position  if  I  did  not 
think  the  Republicans  of  the  State  desired  me  to  have 
it."  The  people,  he  said,  could  easily  make  their 
wishes  on  the  subject  known  to  their  representatives 
in  the  legislature.  In  his  opinion  the  belief  that  con- 
tests for  seats  in  the  Senate  had  at  times  been 
decided  upon  other  grounds  than  the  general  wish 
of  the  people  had  hurt  the  Republican  party ;  and  he 
predicted  that  unless  such  a  belief  could  be  removed 
the  time  would  soon  come  when  the  election  of  Re- 
publican Senators  would  be  less  frequent  than  it 
had  been  in  the  past.310 

The  editor  of  the  Burlington  Hawk-Eye,  who,  as 
a  matter  of  fact  was  the  manager  of  the  Harlan 
forces,  took  immediate  exception  to  this  seemingly 
inoffensive  letter  of  Governor  Kirkwood.  "What 
does  the  Governor  mean  by  this?",  the  editor  de- 
manded. "Is  it  a  prediction  merely,  or  both  a 
prediction  and  a  threat?  It  is  a  good  deal  for  any 
man  to  assume  that  he  is  the  choice  of  a  majority  of 
all  the  Eepublicans  of  the  State,  for  any  office  before 
that  choice  has  been  expressed,  and  it  becomes  quite 
a  grave  matter  when  he  either  predicts,  threatens, 
or  even  intimates  that  he  must  be  elected  or  no  Re- 
publican shall  be."311  Two  weeks  later  the  editor 
again  referred  to  Kirkwood 's  "pretense  of  superior 
public  virtue"  in  a  manner  which  indicated  that  he 
still  smarted  under  the  term  "dog-fight"  which  the 


THE  ELECTION  OF  KIRKWOOD  IN  1876     175 

Governor-elect  had  used  in  speaking  of  the  con- 
test.312 

The  comparatively  insignificant  record  made  by 
Kirkwood  while  he  occupied  a  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate  for  a  brief  period  from  1865  to  1867 
was  also  held  up  by  the  Burlington  editor  as  a  reason 
for  not  electing  Kirkwood  to  the  senatorship.  He 
would  be  glad,  he  said,  "to  cover  the  whole  affair 
with  the  mantle  of  charity,  if  the  Governor-elect  and 
would-be  Senator  had  not  found  himself,  in  his  own 
estimation,  to  be  altogether  too  great  a  man  for  the 
official  position  in  which  the  people  of  Iowa  have 
placed  him."  But  the  editor  believed  that  a  man's 
qualifications  for  an  office  should  be  judged  by  his 
past  achievements  in  the  same  position.  And  he 
could  not  find  anything  in  Kirkwood 's  legislative 
record  to  entitle  him  to  the  senatorship.313 

Meanwhile,  Kirkwood  was  apparently  endeavor- 
ing in  a  quiet  manner,  through  correspondence  and 
otherwise,  to  learn  the  attitude  of  the  members  of 
the  legislature  toward  the  various  senatorial  as- 
pirants and  especially  toward  himself.  But  it  is 
doubtful  whether  he  received  much  encouragement 
from  the  replies.  A  great  many  of  the  legislators 
were  unwilling  to  commit  themselves  on  the  subject ; 
while  others  frankly  stated  that  they  considered  the 
acceptance  of  the  governorship  as  an  objection  to 
an  election  to  the  Senate.  "I  am  satisfied  that  you 
would  make  a  good  senator ;"  wrote  John  Palmer 
from  Clarksville,  "but  would  'Newbold'  make  a  good 
Governor,  provided  you  were  made  Senator ?"314 


176         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

From  a  legislator  at  Cresco  came  the  admonition 
that  "  having  been  elected  Governor  in  good  faith, 
there  should  be  reasons  good  and  strong,  before  sup- 
planting the  choice  of  the  people  so  royally  ex- 
pressed —  the  schemes  of  politicians  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. ' >315 

There  were  occasional  gleams  of  encouragement 
for  Kirkwood,  however,  when  he  received  letters 
like  one  from  J.  B.  Shepardson  of  Marble  Eock. 
"I  have  looked  over  the  field  pretty  closely",  he 
wrote,  "and  am  rather  favorable  to  the  Election  of 
the  old  War  Horse  Governor."316 

With  the  assembling  of  the  legislature  in  Janu- 
ary the  contest  as  usual  centered  in  Des  Moines. 
Friends  of  the  various  candidates  journeyed  to  the 
capital  city  to  aid  the  legislators  in  making  the  right 
choice.  Caleb  Baldwin  was  recognized  as  a  valiant 
warrior  in  the  Kirkwood  camp,  as  were  also  Jacob 
Eich  and  other  leaders  from  northeastern  Iowa,  a 
circumstance  which  confirmed  the  belief  that  Allison 
was  in  sympathy  with  Kirkwood.  Not  all  of  the 
politicians  of  Dubuque,  Allison's  home,  however, 
favored  Kirkwood,  for  J.  K.  Graves  from  that  city 
and  a  prominent  member  of  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives  was  active  in  his  espousal  of  the  Harlan 
cause.  The  Belknap  and  Price  camps  were  by  no 
means  deserted,  but  were  more  quiet,  and  apparent- 
ly rested  on  their  arms  in  the  hope  of  a  deadlock 
between  Kirkwood  and  Harlan.  George  W.  Mc- 
Crary  likewise  had  his  supporters,  prominent  among 
them  being  Samuel  S.  Sample  of  Keokuk.317 


THE  ELECTION  OF  KIRKWOOD  IN  1876     177 

The  time  for  the  caucus  was  not  generally  known 
until  the  evening  of  January  llth,  when  it  was  an- 
nounced for  the  following  evening.  '  '  The  announce- 
ment created  a  decided  sensation,  and  made  a  stir 
through  the  great  crowd,  and  was  followed  by  a 
tumult  at  all  of  the  different  headquarters.  It  pre- 
cipitated things  with  a  rush,  and  made  a  busy  night 
of  it."  There  was  "also  much  telegraphing  to  and 
fro,  and  plenty  of  bracing-up  messages  from  home 
ordered  up  by  all  sides."318  Good  humor,  never- 
theless, prevailed  throughout  the  day,  in  spite  of  the 
number  of  candidates  and  the  rivalry  for  the  coveted 
position. 

The  Eepublican  caucus  on  the  evening  of  Janu- 
ary 12th  was  an  orderly  and  good-natured  meeting. 
Senator  Fred  A.  Teale  called  attention  to  the  rick- 
ety condition  of  the  building  in  which  the  caucus  met 
and  warned  the  members  "against  indulgence  in 
tumultuous  applause."  Then  to  the  surprise  of 
nearly  everyone  Senator  John  S.  Woolson  arose  and 
read  a  letter  from  James  Harlan  requesting  that 
his  name  be  withdrawn  from  the  list  of  candidates.319 
The  chief  cause  of  this  withdrawal  was  learned  on 
the  following  day  when  it  became  known  that  Harlan 
had  been  called  to  the  bedside  of  his  son,  who  had 
been  seized  with  a  fatal  illness  while  on  his  way  to 
California. 

The  withdrawal  of  Harlan 's  name  upset  many 
calculations,  and  so  the  informal  ballot  was  watched 
with  great  interest.  When  the  votes  were  counted 
it  was  found  that  no  one  had  received  the  required 

12 


178         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

fifty-six  votes.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  was  clearly  in 
the  lead  with  fifty-three  votes  as  compared  with 
twenty-four  recorded  in  favor  of  his  nearest  com- 
petitor, Hiram  Price.  The  first  formal  ballot,  how- 
ever, resulted  in  fifty-six  votes  for  Kirkwood,  and  he 
was  forthwith  declared  the  unanimous  choice  of  the 
caucus.320 

In  commenting  upon  the  result  of  the  caucus  the 
editor  of  the  State  Register  stated  his  belief  that 
Harlan's  withdrawal  insured  the  choice  of  Kirk- 
wood. "It  was  considered  a  general  sign",  he  said, 
"that  the  field  was  abandoned  to  the  Governor,  and 
so  several  of  Harlan's  supporters  went  straight  to 
the  winning  camp,  and  not  to  Price,  as  the  latter 
gentleman  had  good  reason  to  expect. "  He  consid- 
ered Harlan's  course  as  eminently  wise  from  a 
political  standpoint,  since  it  "left  him  without  the 
weight  of  a  direct  defeat  to  bear,  gave  the  other 
candidates  a  clear  field,  and  took  him  out  of  the 
contest  in  a  better  shape  than  anything  else  besides 
a  nomination  could  have  taken  him."321  The  same 
editor  predicted  that  the  outcome  would  bring  about 
a  recasting  of  political  lines  and  sympathies  all  over 
the  State  and  a  complicated  contest  for  the  senator- 
ship  two  years  hence.322  The  last  part  of  this  pre- 
diction, at  least,  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been 
fulfilled. 

What  would  have  been  the  result  had  James  Har- 
lan  permitted  his  name  to  remain  on  the  list  can  only 
be  a  matter  of  conjecture.  The  fact  remains  that  on 
January  19, 1876,  the  General  Assembly  met  in  joint 


THE  ELECTION  OF  KIRKWOOD  IN  1876     179 

convention  and  declared  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  duly 
elected  United  States  Senator  from  Iowa  for  six 
years  beginning  on  March  4,  1877.323  The  accept- 
ance of  the  governorship,  therefore,  in  the  end  did 
not  prove  an  insurmountable  obstacle  in  the  path- 
way to  the  Senate.  As  will  be  seen,  Kirkwood  did 
not  fill  out  the  entire  term  for  which  he  was  elected, 
but  in  1881  accepted  a  call  to  a  seat  in  the  President 's 
Cabinet. 


XII 

THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON 
IN  1878 

ONE  of  the  most  bitter  struggles  in  the  history  of 
Iowa  politics  marked  the  first  election  of  William  B. 
Allison  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1872 ;  but  six 
years  later,  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  he  was 
reflected  with  scarcely  a  trace  of  opposition  —  a  cir- 
cumstance that  is  rare  in  the  annals  of  senatorial 
elections  in  Iowa.  Indeed,  the  reelection  of  James 
W.  Grimes  in  1864  is  the  only  previous  senatorial 
contest  in  Iowa  history  that  was  characterized  by 
anything  like  the  same  degree  of  unanimity. 

The  latter  part  of  the  year  1877  and  the  early 
months  of  1878  may  almost  be  said  to  have  consti- 
tuted an  "era  of  good  feeling "  in  State  politics. 
There  was  a  conspicuous  absence  of  factions  in  the 
Eepublican  party,  which  was  strongly  in  the  ascend- 
ancy. Moreover,  the  opposition  of  many  Repub- 
licans to  the  acts  and  policies  of  President  Hayes 
aided  in  allaying  party  antagonism.  The  prevailing 
spirit  of  amity  manifested  itself  especially  in  the 
legislature  of  1878,  where  John  Y.  Stone,  a  Eepub- 
lican, was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  with  only 
five  dissenting  votes. 

As  usual,  comments  upon  the  approaching  sena- 

180 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1878        181 

torial  election  began  to  appear  in  the  newspapers 
early  in  the  fall  of  1877  and  continued  up  to  the  time 
of  the  election.  With  only  a  few  exceptions  these 
comments  advocated  the  return  of  William  B.  Al- 
lison and  reflect  the  same  attitude  on  the  part  of  a 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  State.  Even  the 
sectionalism  so  evident  in  previous  and  subsequent 
contests  was  absent,  for  the  approval  of  Senator 
Allison  was  equally  strong  from  all  parts  of  the 
State.  "The  Legislature  just  chosen  will  have,  as 
one  of  its  duties,  the  election  of  a  United  States 
Senator,  for  the  Allison  succession",  ran  an  editorial 
in  a  newspaper  in  south  central  Iowa,  "and  so  far 
as  we  have  been  able  to  see,  the  opinion  is  universally 
in  favor  of  Mr.  Allison  as  his  own  successor.  This 
appears  to  us  to  be  the  fit  thing  to  do."324 

From  Onawa  in  the  northwest  came  the  state- 
ment that  "the  people  of  Iowa  will  take  pleasure  in 
returning  to  the  Senate  one  whom  all  Iowa  delights 
to  honor  —  the  present  incumbent,  Hon.  Wm.  B. 
Allison.  "325  Similar  quotations  might  be  made  al- 
most indefinitely,  but  the  situation  is  admirably 
summarized  in  an  editorial  in  the  State  Register  late 
in  the  season : 

In  the  pretty  general  discussion  which  has  been  going  on 
in  the  State  press  for  some  time  in  regard  to  the  successor 
of  Mr.  Allison  in  the  United  States  Senate,  The  State  Reg- 
ister has  borne  no  part.  We  preferred  to  wait  and  see  the 
sentiment  of  the  State  and  the  wish  of  the  party,  and  let 
that  determine  our  position  in  regard  to  the  matter.  We 
have  no  wish  specially  to  plead  Mr.  Allison's  case  —  if  it 


182         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

should  be  developed  that  he  was  not  the  cordial  choice  of 
the  State  as  his  own  successor.  We  had  supported  him  at 
his  first  election,  and  supported  him  earnestly.  His  career 
in  the  Senate  was  in  no  sense  disappointing,  but  in  every 
respect  satisfactory  to  us  —  fully  justifying  and  faithfully 
fulfilling  the  expectations  we  had  been  led  to  have  of  him 
as  a  Senator.  The  discussion  of  the  succession  has  been 
very  general  and  protracted.  Nearly  every  paper  in  the 
State  has  spoken  its  mind  concerning  the  question,  and  al- 
most every  Republican  paper  has  spoken  in  favor  of  the 
Senator's  being  his  own  successor.  The  expression  on  the 
part  of  the  people  has  been  cordially  to  the  same  end.  With 
this  conclusion  of  the  press  and  the  people,  we  find  no  hesi- 
tation in  agreeing,  and  accept  of  it  with  enthusiasm  and 
gratification.326 

Various  reasons  were  assigned  for  the  desira- 
bility of  reflecting  Senator  Allison.  On  the  part  of 
those  who  might  have  preferred  a  different  man  the 
apparent  unanimity  of  the  people  of  the  State  in 
favor  of  Allison  was  accepted  as  a  conclusive  argu- 
ment in  his  behalf.  Furthermore,  it  was  quite  gen- 
erally stated  that  during  Ms  six  years  of  service 
Senator  Allison  had  faithfully  represented  the 
wishes  of  Ms  constituents,  and  that  he  occupied  a 
position  of  influence  in  the  Senate  of  which  all 
lowans  should  be  proud.  "At  Washington  Mr.  Al- 
lison is  accorded  the  position  of  the  leading  Kepub- 
lican  Senator  of  the  West",  declared  a  Des  Moines 
editor.  And  he  called  the  roll  of  Senators  from  the 
western  States  to  prove  the  truth  of  Ms  assertion.327 

Not  only  was  Allison  praised  because  he  had  been 
faithful  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  Iowa,  but 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1878        183 

also  because  he  had  remained  true  to  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  Republicanism  at  a  time  when 
there  had  been  much  back-sliding.  '  '  In  the  dark  and 
doubtful  days  of  the  past  summer,  when  there  was 
an  effort  being  made  to  make  Eepublicanism  over 
into  Democracy",  wrote  a  friendly  editor,  "he  was 
the  first  member  of  the  Senate  to  take  the  stump, 
and  break  the  great  and  cautious  stillness  that  all 
the  politicians  were  trying  to  keep.  And  he  broke  it 
to  say  that  he  was  for  the  Eepublicanism  of  the  old 
kind,  that  he  was  in  favor  of  standing  by  the  friends 
of  the  party  and  not  its  enemies,  and  that  he  would 
vote  in  the  Senate  for  the  Eepublican  claimants  from 
the  deserted  States.  .  .  .  The  ground  he  marked 
out  for  himself  then,  as  a  Eepublican  and  a  Senator, 
all  the  Eepublicans  of  the  Senate  have  since  ad- 
vanced to,  and  now  occupy.  "328  Finally,  the  unan- 
imous reelection  of  Senator  Allison  was  urged  as  a 
means  of  preventing  a  recurrence  of  factional  strife 
within  the  party,  and  of  clearing  the  politics  of  the 
State  for  the  next  senatorial  succession.329 

While  the  sentiment  of  the  State,  as  has  been 
indicated,  was  predominantly  in  favor  of  the  return 
of  William  B.  Allison,  there  were  a  few  hints  of 
opposition  which  may  have  caused  his  friends  some 
slight  apprehension.  The  possibility  that  James 
Harlan  would  again  enter  the  race  for  the  senator- 
ship  seemingly  caused  some  uneasiness,  for  early  in 
December  the  editor  of  the  Burlington  Hawk-Eye 
protested  against  certain  editors  who  "imagine  that 
they  are  neglecting  their  duty  if  they  do  not  indulge 


184         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

in  an  annual  tirade  of  abuse  of  ex-Senator  Harlan. ' ' 
Signs  of  the  annual  outbreak  were  evident,  and  the 
editor  warned  his  contemporaries  that  the  best  way 
to  arouse  a  formidable  feeling  in  favor  of  James  Har- 
lan was  to  make  an  unprovoked  attack  upon  him.330 

It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  there  was  some 
ground  for  the  suspicion  of  a  possible  Harlan  can- 
didacy. About  the  middle  of  December  it  was 
learned  that  William  Allen,  Eepresentative  from 
Henry  County,  had  issued  a  circular  letter  to  the 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  in  the  effort  to 
organize  an  opposition  to  Senator  Allison  and  a 
movement  in  favor  of  James  Harlan.331  While  the 
letter  was  a  decided  failure  as  far  as  accomplishing 
its  purpose  was  concerned  it  drew  from  Harlan  a 
vigorous  denial  of  his  candidacy  or  of  any  connection 
with  the  letter332  and  furnished  fuel  for  numerous 
newspaper  comments. 

It  was  intimated  that  the  Allen  letter  might  have 
been  issued  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  posi- 
tion of  the  legislators,  and  that  it  was  really  in  the  in- 
terest of  Senator  Allison.  The  Sioux  City  Journal, 
however,  ridiculed  this  idea.  i  l  The  Eepublican  senti- 
ment of  the  State  has  been  so  clearly  expressed  in  fa- 
vor of  the  retention  of  Mr.  Allison  ",  stated  the  editor, 
"that  upon  the  part  of  Mr.  Allison's  friends  no  solic- 
itude in  his  behalf  could  have  suggested  this  attempt 
at  pumping.  "333  Another  editor  believed  that  if  the 
legislators  "were  disposed  to  branch  out  after  a 
new  candidate  they  would  not  be  likely  to  make" 
Representative  Allen  their  "father  confessor".334 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1878        185 

The  real  source  and  animus  of  the  Allen  letter 
also  caused  much  speculation.  A  newspaper  cor- 
respondent in  the  northern  part  of  the  State  wrote 
that  "a  rumor  is  current  that  a  revelation  will  be 
made  that  will  connect  three  prominent  Dubuque 
men  with  the  copying  of  the  letter."  The  cor- 
respondent further  referred  to  a  current  intimation 
that  an  "ex-government  official"  had  offered  the 
letter  to  an  eastern  newspaper  for  one  hundred 
dollars  as  "pure  cussedness",  and  predicted  that 
there  would  be  a  surprise  when  the  truth  was 
known.335  "Let  the  truth  come  out  if  the  fur  must 
fly",  commented  a  Cedar  Falls  editor.  "The  blame 
now  rests  on  Henry  Clay n.»336 

The  Allen  letter  was  the  only  approach  to  an  or- 
ganized effort  to  place  a  candidate  in  the  field 
against  Allison  during  this  contest.  Practically  the 
only  hint  of  objection  to  him  on  account  of  his  poli- 
cies was  the  rumor  that  he  would  be  opposed  because 
of  his  advocacy  of  the  remonetization  of  silver.  But 
the  storm  of  protest  which  this  rumor  aroused 
proved  conclusively  that  Senator  Allison 's  views  on 
the  silver  coinage  question  were  thoroughly  in  ac- 
cord with  the  wishes  of  the  people  of  Iowa.337 

The  unanimity  which  characterized  the  approval 
of  Senator  Allison  by  the  newspapers  and  people  of 
the  State  manifested  itself  in  the  caucus  of  the  Ee- 
publican  members  of  the  legislature,  held  on  the 
evening  of  January  14,  1878.  The  caucus  did  not 
last  half  an  hour  and  resulted  in  the  nomination  of 
William  B.  Allison  by  acclamation,  without  a  ballot 


186         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

being  taken  and  without  a  dissenting  vote.  Short 
speeches  were  made  by  William  Larrabee,  William 
M.  Stone,  Alfred  Hebard,  and  William  Allen,  the 
author  of  the  famous  circular.  It  was  the  latter  who 
moved  that  the  nomination  be  made  by  acclamation, 
and  his  remarks  elicited  enthusiastic  applause.338 

On  January  23rd  the  two  houses  of  the  General 
Assembly  met  in  joint  convention.  A  comparison  of 
the  journals  revealed  the  fact  that  of  the  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-two  votes  cast  for  United  States 
Senator  William  B.  Allison  had  received  one  hun- 
dred and  four.339  Of  the  remaining  thirty-eight 
votes  Daniel  F.  Miller  received  thirty-five,  and  E.  N. 
Gates  three.340 

i  'Nobody  came  forward  to  contest  the  senatorial 
nomination  with  Mr.  Allison ' ',  was  the  post-election 
comment  of  a  Burlington  editor,  *  *  and  even  the  dem- 
ocrats seem[ed]  inclined  to  vote  for  him  as  nearly 
as  possible  by  nominating  a  relic  of  a  former  age  as 
a  candidate  so  that  in  the  future  when  the  history 
of  the  state  comes  to  be  written,  it  may  be  said  with 
truth  that  Mr.  Allison  had  no  opposition."341 


XIII 

THE  ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL 
IN  1882 

THE  senatorial  contest  of  1882  opened  with  consid- 
erable earnestness  fully  a  year  before  the  election 
occurred.  As  early  as  January  21,  1881,  a  lengthy 
discussion  of  the  political  situation  in  Iowa  with 
special  reference  to  the  senatorship  appeared  in  a 
Des  Moines  newspaper.  A  correspondent  had  in- 
quired whether  there  was  any  truth  in  the  statement 
that  James  Harlan  was  "a  candidate  for  Governor, 
or  for  the  Kirkwood  succession  in  the  Senate ",  and 
whether  John  H.  Gear  was  a  candidate  for  a  third 
term  as  Governor  or  was  in  reality  seeking  a  seat 
in  the  United  States  Senate.  To  the  first  inquiry 
the  editor  replied  that  it  was  generally  believed  that 
Harlan  was  not  a  candidate  for  either  position,  but 
that  he  would  accept  either  if  elected.  As  to  Gear 
the  editor  disclaimed  any  authority  to  speak  definite- 
ly, but  expressed  the  opinion  that  "he  is  not  a 
candidate  for  a  third  term  as  Governor,  and  that  he 
is  candidate  for  Senator". 

The  possibility  that  Iowa  would  be  given  a  place 
in  President  Garfield's  Cabinet  also  received  some 
attention,  and,  according  to  the  editor,  indications 
at  that  time  seemed  to  point  to  the  calling  of  James 

187 


188         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

F.  Wilson  to  the  Cabinet,  either  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  or  of  the  Treasury.  It  was  thought  that  if 
Wilson  did  not  go  into  the  Cabinet  he  would  be  a 
candidate  for  Senator.  There  was  also  a  possibility 
that  John  A.  Kasson  would  be  a  candidate.  In  con- 
clusion the  editor  stated  that  "Gov.  Kirkwood  is  a 
candidate,  and  the  indications  now  are  all  in  favor 
of  his  election,  although  Gov.  Gear  has  much 
strength  and  many  active  friends. m42 

That  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  at  this  time  fully  ex- 
pected to  be  a  candidate  for  a  second  term  in  the 
Senate  is  very  evident  from  his  correspondence.  On 
February  20th  Jacob  Eich,  who  had  long  been  one  of 
Kirkwood 's  most  ardent  supporters,  wrote  from  Des 
Moines  stating  that  he  had  held  conferences  with  a 
number  of  prominent  politicians  in  the  capital  city. 
"All  see  that  Gear  is  working  like  a  Trojan ",  said 
Eich,  "but  none  have  fears  of  a  contest  between  him 
and  you.  There  is  a  feeling,  however,  of  anxiety  as 
to  what  may  come  of  the  cabinet  complication,  if  it 
takes  Allison  out  of  the  Senate ".  The  possibility 
that  Kirkwood  himself  might  be  given  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet  was  also  hinted  at  by  Eich.  And  finally  he 
admonished  Kirkwood  that  if  the  fight  for  the  Senate 
was  to  go  on  he  should  "have  some  man  in  every 
congressional  district  actively  at  work,  with  a  head 
either  here  or  at  Iowa  City  to  whom  reports  must  be 
made  of  the  situation  in  every  legislative  district. 
There  should  be  some  money  for  traveling  expenses 
of  these  Dist.  Agents  and  for  postage.  "343 

At  about  this  same  time  J.  N.  Dewey,  another  of 


ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL        189 

Kirkwood's  trusted  lieutenants,  wrote  a  long  letter 
discussing  the  prospects  in  the  senatorial  contest. 
He  thought  that  there  was  no  foundation  in  the 
rumors  to  the  effect  that  an  alliance  had  been  made 
between  Buren  E.  Sherman  and  John  H.  Gear, 
whereby  the  former  was  to  run  for  Governor  and 
the  latter  for  Senator.  There  might  be  some  truth 
in  a  similar  rumor  with  respect  to  Gear  and  William 
Larrabee.  But  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer  the  man 
most  to  be  feared  was  neither  Gear,  Sherman,  or 
Larrabee,  but  James  Harlan,  "with  the  Methodist 
church  behind  him."  "The  'brethren' — by  dele- 
gates or  otherwise  I  don't  know  which",  Dewey 
wrote,  "assembled  here  some  weeks  since,  brother 
Harlan  among  them,  to  consult  as  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  this  part  of  the  Vineyard,  when  it  was 
determined  to  hold  a  State  Convention  here  in  May 
next  —  At  that  time  delegations  from  every  parish 
will  be  on  hand  and  the  Harlan  ball  that  is  to 
bowl  him  into  the  Gubernatorial  &  thence  into 
the  Senatorial  chair  will  get  a  first  ' class'  send 
off".344 

As  the  days  passed  the  possibility  of  Kirkwood's 
appointment  to  a  position  in  the  President 's  Cabinet 
developed  into  a  probability,  but  Jacob  Rich  was 
still  at  Des  Moines  keeping  in  touch  with  the  pre- 
liminary maneuvers  for  the  senatorship.  "Gear  is 
everywhere,  and  with  his  hands  into  everything", 
he  wrote  on  March  3rd.  "Whether  it  counts  most, 
for  or  against  him,  is  not  certain.  But  as  soon  as 
this  cabinet  business  is  solved,  and  it  is  certain  that 


190         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

you  are  not  going  into  it,  we  must  have  a  meeting  of 
your  friends  here,  and  go  to  work."345 

Certainty  came,  however,  on  March  5th  when  the 
news  was  telegraphed  to  Iowa  that  President  Gar- 
field  had  appointed  Kirkwood  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  The  entire  aspect  of  the  senatorial  contest 
was  immediately  changed,  for  as  long  as  Kirkwood 
remained  in  the  race  there  was  small  chance  for  any- 
one else  to  win.  "The  telegraph  says  you  have  the 
Interior  Portfolio",  wrote  a  friend,  "allow  me  to 
congratulate  you.  It  is  right  &  proper  but  I  don't 
know  what  kind  of  a  fight  you  have  left  us  in  Iowa 
over  your  vacant  shoes '  '.346 

Upon  the  resignation  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood 
from  the  Senate,  Governor  Gear  appointed  James 
W.  McDill  to  fill  the  vacancy  until  the  ensuing  ses- 
sion of  the  General  Assembly,347  at  which  time  it 
would  be  necessary  not  only  to  choose  someone  to  fill 
out  the  remainder  of  Kirkwood 's  unexpired  term  but 
also  to  elect  a  Senator  for  the  full  term  beginning 
on  March  5,  1883.  With  two  prizes  to  tempt  con- 
testants the  campaign  now  opened  with  real  earnest- 
ness. 

James  F.  Wilson  of  Fairfield,  who  hitherto  had 
received  casual  mention  in  connection  with  the  sena- 
torship,  immediately  came  into  prominence  as  a  full- 
fledged  and  acknowledged  candidate.  "So  things 
have  turned  out!  and  now  I  have  got  a  job  on  my 
hands",  he  wrote  to  Kirkwood  on  March  7th.  "I 
have  written  to  a  number  of  persons  today  advising 
them  that  I  shall  be  a  candidate  for  Senator.  .  .  . 


ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL        191 

It  is  important  now  to  fix  your  friends  as  soon  as 
possible,  and  I  wish  you  would  give  this  matter  a 
little  attention.  "348 

The  newspapers  now  took  up  the  question  and  it 
was  not  long  until  it  was  evident  that  the  contest 
would  lie  between  three  or  four  men.  James  F, 
Wilson  perhaps  received  the  most  favorable  com- 
ment throughout  the  State  in  general,  but  there  were 
several  other  men  who  had  strong  local  support. 
Next  to  Wilson  stood  Governor  Gear,  and  a  Des 
Moines  editor  intimated  that  Wilson  should  look  well 
to  his  forces  or  he  would  be  out-generaled  by  the 
Governor.  John  A.  Kasson  had  many  admirers  in 
central  Iowa,  while  James  W.  McDill  was  strong  in 
the  southwestern  part  of  the  State.  Hiram  Price, 
said  the  editor,  was  a  possibility,  and  there  was  no 
doubt  that  James  Harlan  was  "  seeking  entrance  to 
this  upper  field  by  the  strong  gate  of  the  Governor- 
ship ".  Moreover,  other  men  were  "feeling  about 
their  shoulders,  to  see  if  nature  did  not  intend  them 
to  hold  a  toga.  "349 

So  general  and  earnest  did  the  discussion  of 
candidates  become  that  by  the  first  of  June  the  sena- 
torial question  threatened  to  overshadow  all  other 
political  issues  and  to  determine  the  nomination  of 
members  of  the  General  Assembly.  Several  news- 
papers deprecated  this  state  of  affairs.  "This  ques- 
tion, whether  a  United  States  Senatorial  succession 
should  be  precipitated  into  a  contest  in  the  party 
before  its  proper  time,  imperilling  many  other  and 
equally  important  interests  of  the  party  and  State ' ', 


192         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

declared  an  influential  editor,  "is  one  which  may 
now  well  be  considered.  .  .  .  It  is  a  good  deal 
to  say  that  Legislators  should  be  chosen  who  will 
first  be  sound  according  to  the  opinion  of  any  one 
locality  in  their  preferences  for  United  States 
Senator.  "35° 

There  were  others,  however,  who  disagreed  with 
this  view.  They  admitted  that  "it  can  be  more 
easily  ascertained  which  way  the  Senatorial  cat  is 
about  to  jump,  after  the  election. "  But  in  their 
opinion  "the  people  ought  to  have  a  full  and  free 
discussion  of  the  candidates  placed  before  them  be- 
fore they  elect  members  of  the  Legislature  whose 
duty  it  will  be  to  elect  a  Senator.  If  the  people  in 
one  locality  are  especially  opposed  to  some  well 
known  candidate,  they  have  a  perfect  right  to  know 
something  of  how  their  Eepresentative  expects  to 
vote."351 

Whatever  the  views  of  the  newspaper  editors  it 
appears  that  the  politicians  of  the  State  in  general 
considered  the  senatorship  the  most  important  local 
issue  of  the  year;  for  in  a  great  many  county  and 
district  Eepublican  conventions  resolutions  were 
adopted  in  favor  of  the  election  of  some  particular 
man  as  United  States  Senator.  In  many  instances 
nominees  for  members  of  the  legislature  were  given 
definite  instructions  as  to  how  they  should  vote  in 
the  senatorial  election.  "The  most  of  the  Eepub- 
lican County  Conventions  in  this  District  have 
passed  resolutions  in  favor  of  Kasson  for  United 
States  Senator ",  was  the  announcement  made  in  a 


ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL        193 

Des  Moines  newspaper.352  In  the  convention  in 
Greene  County  a  resolution  to  instruct  for  James  F. 
Wilson  was  unexpectedly  introduced  and  was  adopt- 
ed by  a  narrow  margin  of  two  or  three  votes, 
although  it  was  the  opinion  of  a  local  editor  that 
another  convention  equally  representative  of  the 
people  of  the  county,  might  favor  instructing  for 
any  one  of  a  number  of  candidates.353 

From  Dubuque  came  the  statement  that  the  nom- 
ination of  J.  E.  Anderson  as  State  Representative 
from  the  seventy-seventh  district  was  "a  Wilson 
victory  over  Gear  for  U.  S.  Senator.  "354  A  district 
convention  at  Earlham  in  the  southwestern  part  of 
the  State  nominated  C.  B.  Hunt  for  State  Senator 
and  by  acclamation  instructed  him  to  vote  for  John 
A.  Kasson  for  United  States  Senator.355  The  Mus~ 
catine  County  convention  instructed  for  Wilson, 
casting  eighty-one  votes  in  his  favor  as  opposed  to 
thirty-one  for  Gear  and  smaller  votes  for  Kasson 
and  McDill.356  The  Scott  County  delegation  in  the 
legislature  was  renominated  with  the  exception  of 
Bruce  Seaman,  who  was  a  Wilson  man,  while  the 
convention  was  solid  for  Gear.357 

Thus  all  over  the  State  the  senatorial  question 
played  a  decisive  part  in  determining  nominations  in 
local  conventions.  By  the  middle  of  September  it 
was  estimated  that  fifty-four  counties,  having  fifty 
members  in  the  legislature,  had  instructed  for  James 
F.  Wilson,  the  other  candidates  receiving  only  scat- 
tered support.358 

A  few  weeks  later,  however,  consternation  was; 

13 


194         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

spread  through  the  camps  of  the  rival  candidates. 
The  death  of  President  Garfield  as  the  result  of  the 
assassin's  bullet  elevated  Chester  A.  Arthur  to  the 
presidency,  and  soon  there  came  rumors  that  there 
would  be  certain  changes  in  the  Cabinet.  Among  the 
portfolios  in  connection  with  which  a  change  seemed 
imminent  was  that  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
Naturally  the  possibility  that  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood 
would  again  be  in  a  position  to  accept  the  senator- 
ship  caused  much  anxiety  among  those  to  whom  his 
acceptance  of  the  cabinet  office  had  given  hope  for 
their  own  chances  in  the  senatorial  race. 

Kirkwood 's  admirers  were  willing  that  he  should 
remain  in  the  Cabinet,  but  at  the  same  time  it  was 
evident  that  they  would  welcome  an  opportunity  to 
return  him  to  the  Senate.  "  There  is  a  strong  prob- 
ability that  Secretary  Kirkwood  will  retire  from  the 
Cabinet ",  said  an  Iowa  City  editor,  "and,  in  that 
event,  his  many  friends  throughout  the  State  will 
insist  that  he  be  returned  to  the  U.  S.  Senate  from 
which  he  was  called  by  President  Garfield.  He  was 
not  a  candidate  for  Cabinet  honors,  but  yielded  to 
the  entreaties  of  the  late  Chief  Magistrate  to  become 
one  of  his  advisers.  It  is  proper,  therefore,  that  he 
should  be  placed  in  his  former  position.  "359  A  cor- 
respondent to  a  Chicago  paper  thought  it  would  not 
be  surprising  if  Kirkwood  should  be  nominated  for 
Senator  "as  he  once  was  for  Governor,  'in  the  name 
of  the  people  of  Iowa'  without  his  knowledge  or 
consent.  It  would  be  very  like  Iowa  Eepublicans  to 
do  that.  Circumstances  have  altered  the  case  very 


ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL        195 

materially  since  many  of  the  legislative  nominations 
were  made,  and  instructions  given  candidates  will  be 
considered  in  the  light  of  existing  facts."360 

The  editor  of  the  Iowa  State  Register  at  Des 
Moines  was  especially  ardent  in  his  advocacy  of  re- 
turning Kirkwood  to  the  Senate  in  case  he  should 
leave  the  Cabinet.  "Some  Iowa  newspapers",  he 
declared,  "are  taking  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  state 
just  who  shall  and  who  shall  not  be  candidates  for 
the  United  States  Senatorships.  .  .  .  Just  now 
they  are  pointing  out  that  it  was  understood  that 
Secretary  Kirkwood  intended  to  close  his  public  life 
with  his  term  in  the  Interior  Department,  and  that 
he  could  not  therefore  become  a  candidate  for  the 
Senatorship  even  if  he  should  leave  the  Cabinet 
now."  The  editor  admitted  that  this  statement 
might  represent  Kirkwood 's  intention  in  the  matter, 
but  there  were  many  thousand  Eepublicans  in  Iowa 
who  might  think  differently.  "Once  upon  a  time", 
he  continued,  "they  wanted  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  to 
be  a  candidate  for  Governor  much  against  his  will, — 
and  the  majority  ruled.  It  may  be  so  again."361 

For  fully  two  months  the  same  newspaper  con- 
tinued to  urge  the  election  of  Kirkwood.  "He  is  not 
only  the  strongest  man  we  have  for  the  Senate  as  a 
State, ' '  he  wrote  early  in  November, ' '  but  he  also  rep- 
resents that  type  of  Republicanism  which  is  in  over- 
whelming majority  in  Iowa.  .  .  .  Let  the  so-called 
stalwart  or  Grant-Conkling-Arthur  administration 
make  up  its  Cabinet  as  it  will,  and  wholly  of  its  own 
kind,  as  it  undoubtedly  has  the  right  to  do."362 


196         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

"No  well  posted  Iowa  man  can  doubt  the  un- 
equalled popularity  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  in  Iowa  and 
with  his  party, "  said  the  editor  three  weeks  later. 
' '  His  whole  history,  and  the  history  of  the  State,  for 
twenty  years,  are  proofs  of  it.  Every  year  and  every 
campaign  affirm  it.  The  writer  of  this  was  for  two 
years  Chairman  of  the  Eepublican  State  Committee, 
and  in  those  two  years  there  were  ten  requests  and 
appeals  for  speeches  from  Kirkwood  where  there  was 
one  for  any  other  man  in  the  State,  and  the  Chair- 
men in  other  years  tell  us  that  the  same  thing  was 
true  with  them.  His  name  in  Iowa  to-day  warms  the 
public  heart  as  no  other  name  touches  it,  the  mere 
announcement  of  his  name  for  a  public  speech  will 
draw  a  greater  crowd  than  any  other  Iowa  man  will 
draw,  and  his  appearance  in  public  or  in  a  party 
convention  is  always  a  signal  for  such  applause  as 
the  Eepublicans  of  Iowa  give  to  no  other  man."363 

Judging  from  newspaper  comments  and  from  the 
letters  which  Kirkwood  received  from  Iowa  the 
movement  in  his  favor  was  rapidly  gaining  large 
proportions.  But  the  hopes  of  his  friends,  as  well 
as  the  fears  of  the  various  senatorial  aspirants,  soon 
proved  to  be  groundless.  Kirkwood  firmly  refused 
to  permit  his  name  to  be  used  again  in  the  senatorial 
contest.  On  October  3,  1881,  he  wrote  as  follows  to 
his  confidential  friend,  Jacob  Rich: 

I  have  your  letters  of  the  21st  &  28th.  It  seems  to  me 
you  should  not  have  written  the  latter  —  knowing  me  as  I 
hope  you  do  and  knowing  the  relations  of  Wilson  &  myself 
I  think  you  could  have  taken  it  for  granted  that  I  would 


ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL        197 

not  permit  my  name  to  be  used  to  his  prejudice  in  any  way 
in  the  fight  he  has  so  gallantly  made  for  the  Senate  —  But 
as  you  seem  to  have  some  doubt  on  the  subject  I  now  say 
to  you  that  I  am  earnestly  for  the  election  of  Wilson  to  the 
Senate,  that  I  think  he  ought  to  be  elected  and  that  I  will 
not  permit  my  name  to  be  used  in  any  way  to  his  prejudice. 
You  may  do  what  you  please  with  this  letter  except  publish 
it  —  I  have  a  horror  of  seeing  my  name  in  print  in  such 
connection,  but  show  it  to  any  one  &  to  all  with  whom  in 
your  judgment  it  may  have  any  weight.364 

A  further  indication  of  the  friendly  understand- 
ing which  existed  between  Wilson  and  Kirkwood  is 
to  be  found  in  a  letter  which  the  latter  wrote  to  a 
Sioux  City  friend  at  about  this  same  time.  Further- 
more, this  letter  furnishes  a  glimpse  of  Kirkwood  7s 
attitude  toward  public  office.  He  wrote,  in  part : 

When  I  expected  a  year  ago  to  be  a  candidate  for  re- 
election to  the  Senate  Wilson  very  generously  refused  to 
contest  the  matter  with  me. 

When  my  name  was  used  for  my  present  position,  al- 
though he  had  been  named  &  was  strongly  supported  for 
the  same  place  [he]  again  declined  to  make  a  contest — Under 
these  circumstances  I  cannot  allow  my  name  to  be  used 
against  him  and  I  feel  sure  you  will  agree  with  me  in  this. 

If  it  were  not  on  McDuTs  account  I  would  like  if  I 
leave  the  Cabinet  to  serve  out  the  term  to  which  I  was 
elected  six  years  ago  —  I  am  not  under  any  special  obliga- 
tions to  McDill  but  I  do  not  like  the  idea  of  a  fight  with  him 
—  Indeed  the  good  people  of  Iowa  have  done  so  much  for 
me  that  I  do  not  feel  like  making  a  fight  with  any  one  for 
their  favor.365 

Thus  the  candidates  in  the  contest  remained  as 


198         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

they  had  been  before  rumors  of  changes  in  the  Cab- 
inet began  to  cause  speculation.  By  this  time  it  was 
very  apparent  that  James  F.  Wilson  stood  the  best 
chance  of  winning  the  long  term,  while  James  W. 
McDill  had  little  opposition  for  the  short  term. 
Moreover,  it  is  probable  that  Kirkwood's  attitude 
counted  strongly  in  favor  of  Wilson. 

But  the  latter  was  not  without  enemies  nor  did 
he  escape  without  some  more  or  less  bitter  criticism 
from  the  press.  One  editor  referred  to  Wilson 's 
"self-devotion  and  that  of  his  friends  to  build  him 
up  as  the  Crown-Prince  of  Iowa's  political  realm", 
and  spoke  of  "their  testy  peevishness  at  any  syl- 
lable that  does  not  sound  unconditional  surrender  to 
his  imperial  adulation  above  other  men".366  An- 
other paper  reviewed  Wilson's  service  in  securing 
legislation  for  railroads,  but  declared  that  he  was 
not  "as  some  would  have  us  believe,  the  great  source 
from  which  Iowa  Eepublicanism  sprung.  .  .  . 
However  potential  he  may  have  been  with  the  rail- 
roads, in  the  politics  of  the  State  he  doesn't  stride  as 
a  Colossus  of  Ehodes  among  pigmies."367 

Thus  the  discussion  was  carried  on  until  the  time 
for  the  meeting  of  the  legislature.  Political  issues 
were  almost  ignored,  and  the  question  was  based 
largely  on  the  relative  merits  of  the  respective  can- 
didates. In  spite  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood's  emphatic 
refusal  to  reenter  the  race  his  name  was  strongly 
urged  as  late  as  the  first  of  January  by  the  Iowa 
State  Register.  "No  man  can  serve  Iowa  as  Kirk- 
wood  can  serve  it",  said  the  editor.  "No  Iowa  man 


ELECTION  OF  WILSON  AND  McDILL        199 

has  the  confidence  of  the  Nation  as  he  has  it,  and 
Iowa  itself  has  more  confidence  in  him  than  in  any 
other  of  its  men."368 

The  Nineteenth  General  Assembly  convened  on 
January  9,  1882,  and  on  the  following  evening  the 
Eepublican  members  held  their  senatorial  caucus. 
Contrary  to  general  expectations  the  most  cordial 
harmony  prevailed.  Scarcely  had  the  Chairman, 
William  Larrabee,  announced  that  the  caucus  was  in 
session  when  Governor  John  H.  Gear  arose  and  in  a 
brief  speech  withdrew  his  name  from  the  contest. 
James  F.  Wilson  was  then  nominated  by  Eldin  H. 
Hartshorn,  whereupon  H.  Y.  Smith  of  Polk  an- 
nounced the  withdrawal  of  John  A.  Kasson  and 
seconded  the  nomination  of  Wilson.  The  nomina- 
tion was  further  seconded  by  John  C.  Shrader  of 
Johnson  County  "in  behalf  of  the  friends  of  the  Old 
War  Governor  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood."  McDill  was 
nominated  by  acclamation  for  the  short  term.  Wil- 
son came  into  the  room  later  and  made  a  brief  and 
appropriate  speech  in  appreciation  of  the  honor 
which  had  been  conferred  upon  him.369 

On  January  25,  1882,  the  two  houses  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  met  in  joint  convention,  and  upon  a 
comparison  of  the  journals  it  was  found  that  the 
choice  of  the  Eepublican  caucus  had  been  confirmed 
by  large  majorities.  L.  G.  Kinne  and  D.  P.  Stubbs 
each  received  a  light  vote  for  the  full  term;  while 
M.  M.  Ham  and  Daniel  Campbell  received  a  like 
support  from  the  opposition  forces  for  the  short 
term.  Certificates  of  election  were  therefore  issued 
to  James  F.  Wilson  and  James  W.  McDill.370 


XIV 

THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON 

IN  1884 

THE  political  campaign  in  Iowa  in  1883  was  a  stormy 
one,  because  of  the  intense  agitation  of  the  subject 
of  prohibition.  In  1882  the  people  of  the  State  had, 
by  a  majority  of  nearly  thirty  thousand,  voted  to 
amend  the  State  Constitution  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  prohibit  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors.  A  few  months  later,  however,  the  Supreme 
Court  declared  the  amendment  invalid  because  of  a 
technical  error  in  its  adoption.  The  advocates  of 
prohibition  were  naturally  very  much  disappointed, 
and  in  1883  they  turned  to  the  Republicans  in  the 
hope  of  inducing  that  party  to  take  a  positive  stand 
in  the  matter.  Their  hope  was  not  in  vain.  In  1879 
the  Eepublicans  in  their  platform  had  pledged  them- 
selves to  secure  the  submission  of  a  prohibitory 
amendment;  and  so  a  plank  was  placed  in  the  plat- 
form of  1883  declaring  that  since  the  sentiment  of 
the  people  of  Iowa,  as  expressed  in  the  vote  on  the 
amendment,  was  strongly  in  favor  of  prohibition, 
the  party  pledged  itself  to  secure  the  adoption  of  a 
rigid  prohibitory  law  at  the  next  session  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly.  The  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand, 
declared  strongly  in  favor  of  a  license  law  as  op- 

200 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1884        201 

posed  to  prohibition,  and  thus  the  issue  was  squarely 
drawn.371 

It  is  little  wonder,  therefore,  when  the  leading 
newspapers  of  the  State,  both  Republican  and  Dem- 
ocratic, were  literally  flooded  throughout  the  year 
with  articles  and  editorials  on  the  prohibition  ques- 
tion, that  the  senatorial  succession  should  receive 
but  scant  attention  until  shortly  before  the  fall  elec- 
tions. It  was  also  natural  that  the  two  issues  should 
react  upon  each  other  in  the  campaign.  Indeed, 
there  was  some  truth  in  the  statement  of  a  Demo- 
cratic editor  that  "with  prohibition  on  one  side  and 
an  U.  S.  Senator  on  the  other,  if  the  republicans 
aren't  between  the  devil  and  the  deep  sea,  then  no 
one  ever  was  in  that  fix."372 

It  would  not  be  correct,  however,  to  speak  of  the 
senatorial  election  of  1884  as  a  contest.  Within  the 
ranks  of  the  Eepublican  party  there  was  no  hint  of 
opposition  to  the  reelection  of  Senator  Allison,  and 
from  first  to  last  no  candidate  appeared  against  him. 
The  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  took  an  unusually 
active  interest  in  the  situation,  and  from  them  and 
the  Greenbackers  came  the  only  efforts  to  weaken 
Allison  in  the  estimation  of  the  people  of  the  State. 
The  Democrats  hoped  that  the  endorsement  of  pro- 
hibition would  cause  such  a  large  defection  from  the 
ranks  of  the  Eepublicans  that  a  Democratic  majority 
might  be  secured  in  the  legislature,  and  thus  a  Demo- 
cratic United  States  Senator  might  be  elected.  Con- 
sequently certain  Democratic  leaders  were  not 
averse  to  seizing  every  opportunity  to  attack  Al- 


202         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

lison's  record  and  reputation.  In  fact,  were  it  not 
for  the  persistent  storm  of  bitter  criticism  raised  by 
a  number  of  Democratic  speakers  and  editors,  and 
especially  by  the  leader  of  the  Greenbackers,  the 
story  of  the  election  of  William  B.  Allison  in  1884 
could  be  told  in  a  very  few  words. 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  August,  1883,  just  at 
the  time  of  Senator  Allison's  bereavement  by  the 
tragic  death  of  his  wife,  that  he  was  first  assailed 
with  charges  of  corruption  in  connection  with  grants 
to  Iowa  railroads  twenty  years  before.  And  thus  the 
question  of  his  reelection  became  a  prominent  issue. 
Eepublican  editors  were  severe  in  their  denunciation 
of  those  who  made  calumnious  charges  against  Al- 
lison when  his  lips  were  sealed  by  sorrow,  and  many 
Democrats  likewise  deprecated  the  actions  of  their 
brother  partisans. 

"General  Weaver,  who  has  heretofore  appeared 
to  the  people  of  Iowa  as  being  a  man  of  kind  heart 
and  humane  feelings,  despite  of  all  his  insincere  po- 
litical courses",  declared  a  Des  Moines  editor,  "in 
his  speech  in  Des  Moines  last  Monday  night  —  while 
Senator  Allison  was  barely  yet  returned  to  his  deso- 
late home  from  the  grave  of  his  wife  —  made  a 
savage  personal  assault  upon  him  and  his  personal 
as  well  as  his  political  honor.  To  do  this  he  went 
back  to  a  stale  and  stupid  falsehood  which  died  of 
its  own  malice  twenty  years  ago, —  and  which,  during 
the  past  campaigns  occurring  since  that  time,  has 
never  been  used  by  Democratic  papers  and  speakers, 
—  and  revamped  it  to  his  audience,  against  a  man 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1884        203 

who  never  wronged  him  by  so  much  as  a  harsh  word, 
fairly  with  the  glee  that  is  shown  alone  by  those 
who  can  exult  over  a  man's  helplessness  in  sorrow 
or  his  silence  in  death.  "373 

In  addition  to  James  B.  Weaver,  who  was  candi- 
date for  Governor  on  the  Greenback  ticket,  it  was 
asserted  that  L.  G.  Kinne,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  the  same  office,  was  making  similar  charges 
against  Allison  in  his  speeches  throughout  the 
State.374 

The  particular  corruption  with  which  Allison  was 
charged  during  this  campaign  was  in  connection  with 
railroads  in  northwestern  Iowa.  It  was  asserted, 
for  instance,  that  he  had  voted  for  the  subsidy  of 
bonds  and  lands  for  the  construction  of  the  Sioux 
City  &  Pacific  Eailroad,  a  branch  of  the  Union  Pa- 
cific in  which  he  was  especially  interested,  and  that 
later  he  had  voted  to  double  the  subsidy.  Moreover, 
it  was  charged  that  he  had  been  influential  in  chang- 
ing the  route  of  the  Cedar  Eapids  &  Missouri  Eiver 
Eailroad,  which  company  was  now  attempting  to 
defraud  settlers  in  Monona  County  out  of  their 
lands.  Finally,  the  statement  was  made  that  Allison 
had  made  millions  of  dollars  out  of  the  Sioux  City 
&  Pacific  Eailroad.375 

The  Greenback  candidate  for  Governor  even  went 
so  far  in  one  of  his  speeches  as  to  urge  it  "as  a  moral 
and  religious  duty  that  every  republican,  democrat, 
prohibitionist  and  greenbacker  owed  to  God,  his 
country,  his  neighbor  and  himself  to  see  to  it  that 
he  so  voted  for  senators  and  representatives  that  not 


204         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

a  single  legislator  should  be  found  to  stand  up  and 
vote  to  return  Allison  the  monopolist,  the  corrup- 
tionist  and  subsidy  grabber  to  the  United  States 
senate/'376 

The  leading  Eepublican  newspapers  of  the  State 
contained  column  after  column  of  editorials  and  ex- 
tracts from  the  Congressional  Globe  defending  Al- 
lison against  the  attacks  made  upon  him.  It  was 
pointed  out  that  at  the  time  the  original  subsidy  of 
bonds  and  lands  was  voted  to  the  Sioux  City  branch 
of  the  Union  Pacific,  Allison  had  not  even  been  elect- 
ed to  his  first  term  in  Congress  and  therefore  could 
not  be  held  in  any  way  responsible.377  The  charge 
relative  to  the  alleged  frauds  against  the  settlers  in 
Monona  County  was  met  with  the  statement  that  the 
Cedar  Eapids  &  Missouri  Eiver  Eailroad  had  re- 
ceived its  grant  of  lands  from  the  State  of  Iowa  and 
not  from  Congress,  and  that  it  was  a  road  in  which 
Allison  had  absolutely  no  interest,  financial  or  other- 
wise. Furthermore,  a  sworn  statement  from  the 
attorney  of  the  Monona  County  settlers  was  pub- 
lished showing  that  Senator  Allison  was  in  no  way 
responsible  for  their  difficulties.378 

The  fact  that  Allison  had  voted  to  increase  the 
subsidy  of  the  Union  Pacific  in  1864  was  admitted, 
but  it  was  shown  that  such  legislation  was  a  neces- 
sity in  order  to  secure  the  construction  of  much 
needed  railroads  and  that  the  act  met  with  universal 
approval  at  the  time  of  its  adoption.379  Finally,  the 
claim  that  Allison  had  made  millions  of  dollars  out 
of  the  Sioux  City  &  Pacific  Eailroad  was  branded  as 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1884        205 

a  gross  falsehood,  since  that  road  had  not  paid  a 
single  dividend  to  any  of  its  stock-holders,  and  Al- 
lison was  by  no  means  a  wealthy  man.380 

As  the  time  for  the  fall  elections  drew  near  the 
opposing  parties  in  the  campaign  charged  each  other 
with  insincerity  with  respect  to  the  prohibition 
question.  "To  secure  a  democratic  United  States 
senator  from  Iowa",  said  a  Eepublican  editor,  "is 
the  primary  object  of  the  present  political  contest  in 
Iowa,  in  the  esteem  of  the  leaders  and  managing 
men  of  the  democracy.  .  .  .  Affecting  great  zeal 
in  behalf  of  the  anti-prohibition  crusade,  the  Iowa 
democracy  were  for  a  time  very  successful  in  de- 
ceiving a  large  class  of  voters  as  to  the  central  object 
of  the  democratic  canvass."  The  battle-cry  of  the 
Democrats  and  Greenbackers  was  declared  to  be 
"Anything  to  beat  Allison."381 

Another  Eepublican  editor  charged  James  B. 
Weaver  with  inconsistency  in  his  attitude  toward 
prohibition.  "Professing  to  antagonize  Gov.  Sher- 
man because  he  is  not  [a]  good  enough  prohibition- 
ist", declared  the  editor,  "Weaver  nevertheless 
urges  upon  the  prohibition  Greenbackers  in  every 
place  he  visits  the  entire  subordination  of  their  re- 
gard for  prohibition  to  the  end  of  defeating  a 
Eepublican  U.  S.  Senator.  Prohibition  must  be  held 
supreme  as  far  as  the  Governorship  is  concerned, 
because  Greenback  prohibitionists  must  be  kept  from 
Sherman  by  voting  for  Weaver.  But  as  to  the 
Legislature,  there  must  be  no  consideration  of  pro- 
hibition. Vote  for  license  Democrats  or  whiskey- 


206         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Democrats  or  saloon-Democrats  —  any  kind  of  a 
Democrat  —  says  Weaver,  so  you  get  a  vote  against 
a  Eepublican  U.  S.  Senator."382 

Eloquent  appeals  were  made  to  Eepublican 
voters  to  vote  a  straight  ticket  in  order  that  the 
legislation  might  not  be  turned  over  to  the  control 
of  the  Democrats.  And  in  fact  there  appears  to  have 
been  some  need  for  this  warning,  for  a  Davenport 
editor  stated  that  a  large  number  of  people  "before 
disposed  to  join  in  the  mad  desire  to  ' punish  the 
republicans'  because  of  the  prohibition  question, 
have  come  to  a  halt  in  their  determination "  upon 
realizing  the  bearing  which  their  vote  would  have 
upon  the  senatorial  election.383 

The  Democrats  and  Greenbackers,  on  the  other 
hand,  branded  many  of  the  Eepublican  leaders  with 
hypocrisy  in  pretending  to  advocate  prohibition  as 
the  main  issue  in  the  campaign,  while  as  a  matter  of 
fact  they  were  working  every  wire  to  save  Allison.384 

The  fall  elections  passed  and  the  State  still  re- 
mained under  Eepublican  control,  although  with 
decreased  majorities.  It  was  believed  in  some  quar- 
ters that  the  senatorial  question  and  the  popularity 
of  Senator  Allison  were  largely  responsible  for  pre- 
venting a  Democratic  victory.  "Hundreds  bolted 
the  platform, "  declared  J.  K.  Graves  of  Dubuque, 
who  had  received  Democratic  mention  as  a  possible 
anti- Allison  candidate,  "but  there  were  thousands 
who,  reaching  the  very  verge,  were  induced  to  pause 
and  vote  the  republican  ticket  through  Senator  Al- 
lison's efforts  and  the  efforts  of  his  immediate 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1884        207 

friends.  ...  .  We  only  pulled  Governor  Sher- 
man through  by  2,500;  the  senatorial  issue  saved 
him  from  inevitable  defeat."385 

While  the  election  of  William  B.  Allison  was  now 
generally  looked  upon  as  a  foregone  conclusion,  a 
number  of  Democratic  papers  still  persisted  in  their 
assaults  upon  him.  It  was  even  claimed  that  the 
Democrats  were  offering  their  votes  in  the  legisla- 
ture to  any  Eepublican  who  would  appear  as  a 
candidate  against  Allison.386  And  one  Democratic 
editor,  more  inclined  to  prophecy  than  his  fellows, 
declared  that  the  i  '  last  republican  governor  has  been 
elected  in  Iowa,  the  last  republican  legislature  will 
soon  be  in  session,  and  it  will  elect  the  last  repub- 
lican U.  S.  Senator  to  aid  the  monopolist  in  throt- 
tling the  people."387 

There  was  no  break  during  this  time,  however,  in 
Eepublican  approval  of  Allison,  and  when  the  Re- 
publican members  of  the  legislature  met  in  caucus  on 
the  evening  of  January  15,  1884,  the  greatest  har- 
mony prevailed.  The  roll-call  indicated  that  a  full 
caucus  was  present,  and  nominations  for  Senator 
were  declared  in  order.  Senator  T.  E.  Clark  then 
arose  and  in  an  "eloquent  and  stirring  speech, 
which  produced  a  profound  impression,  presented 
the  name  of  Hon.  William  B.  Allison."  The  nomi- 
nation was  seconded  by  several  other  members  in 
brief  speeches,  and  when  it  appeared  that  there  were 
no  further  names  to  be  voted  upon,  a  rising  vote  was 
called  for  and  "every  member  rose  to  his  feet  amid 
the  enthusiastic  applause  of  the  assembly".388 


208         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

A  deputation  was  then  sent  to  apprise  Senator 
Allison,  who  was  in  Des  Moines,  of  his  nomination 
and  to  invite  him  to  the  caucus.  When  the  applause 
which  greeted  the  Senator's  entrance  into  the  hall 
had  subsided,  in  a  few  modest  and  well  chosen  words, 
he  expressed  his  appreciation  of  the  honor  which 
had  been  conferred  upon  him.  He  then  "  repaired 
to  his  room  at  the  Kirkwood,  where  he  was  called 
upon  by  crowds  of  people  up  to  11  o'clock,  when  he 
took  the  Eock  Island  train  and  left  direct  for  his 
duties  at  Washington  ",389 

"It  was  the  extraordinary  scene  of  an  extraor- 
dinary event",  declared  the  editor  of  the  Iowa  State 
Register  in  discussing  the  nomination  of  Allison. 
"For  never  before",  he  continued,  "has  any  great 
State  given  such  high  preferment  as  the  State  of 
Iowa  has  now  given  to  Senator  Allison."390 

The  reelection  of  William  B.  Allison  was  now 
assured,  but  certain  Democratic  members  of  the 
legislature  were  apparently  determined  to  assail  his 
official  record  up  to  the  very  last  moment.  In  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives  on  the  morning  of  Janu- 
ary 22nd,  the  day  on  which  each  house  cast  its  vote 
for  United  States  Senator,  Eepresentative  Joel 
Stewart  introduced  a  series  of  resolutions  calling  for 
an  investigation  of  the  charges  against  Senator  Al- 
lison. In  introducing  these  resolutions,  however, 
Stewart  met  with  the  disapproval  of  a  number  of  his 
own  party  as  well  as  of  the  Eepublicans,  and  the 
resolutions  were  indefinitely  laid  on  the  table  by  a 
decisive  vote.391 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1884        209 

On  January  23rd  the  two  houses  met  in  joint  con- 
vention to  compare  their  journals  on  the  vote  for 
United  States  Senator.  The  result  revealed  a  total 
of  ninety  votes  for  William  B.  Allison,  as  opposed  to 
forty-eight  for  Benton  J.  Hall,  ten  for  D.  M.  Clark, 
and  one  for  L.  G.  Kinne.392  There  was  some  doubt, 
however,  as  to  whether  the  law  of  Congress  regu- 
lating senatorial  elections  had  been  technically  ful- 
filled with  respect  to  the  date  of  holding  the  election, 
and  so  the  process  was  repeated  one  week  later,  with 
substantially  the  same  result.393  And  thus  the  elec- 
tion of  William  B.  Allison  to  his  third  term  in  the 
United  States  Senate  was  made  a  certainty  beyond 
the  chance  for  dispute. 


XV 

THE  ELECTION  OF  JAMES  F.  WILSON 
IN  1888 

A  FEW  pages  will  be  sufficient  to  contain  the  narra- 
tive of  the  second  election  of  James  F.  Wilson  to 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1888.  It  is  true  that 
during  the  months  which  preceded  the  caucus  of  the 
Eepublican  members  of  the  legislature  there  was 
manifest  some  opposition  to  Wilson  within  the  ranks 
of  his  own  party.  But,  while  Eepublican  sentiment 
was  by  no  means  as  unanimous  in  favor  of  Wilson  as 
it  had  been  for  the  return  of  Allison  four  years  earli- 
er, the  opposition  was  neither  united  nor  active  and 
until  nearly  the  last  moment  no  candidate  definitely 
appeared  against  him.  Moreover,  the  Democrats 
apparently  took  little  interest  in  the  senatorial  ques- 
tion. Thus  the  contest,  if  such  it  might  be  called, 
was  uneventful  and  provoked  but  little  comment  in 
the  newspapers. 

The  question  of  a  successor  to  Senator  Wilson 
was  occasionally  mentioned  throughout  the  year 
1887,  but  it  was  not  until  late  in  the  summer,  when 
the  fall  elections  were  approaching,  that  the  dis- 
cussion became  at  all  general.  From  that  time  until 
the  question  was  settled  by  the  legislature  a  tendency 
to  prefer  the  election  of  a  new  man  to  succeed  Sen- 

210 


THE  ELECTION  OF  WILSON  IN  1888         211 

ator  Wilson  appeared  in  different  sections  of  the 
State.  "Governor  Larrabee  is  to-day  the  strongest 
man,  politically,  in  the  State ",  was  the  suggestion 
which  came  from  Muscatine,  not  far  from  Wilson 's 
home.  "Why  not  send  him  to  the  United  States 
Senate  T'394  This  sentiment  met  with  the  approval 
of  an  editor  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the  State,  al- 
though he  lamented  the  fact  that  in  the  election  of 
Larrabee  '  '  Iowa  would  lose  the  best  officer  that  ever 
occupied  the  gubernatorial  chair.  "395 

John  A.  Kasson  also  received  favorable  com- 
ments during  the  late  summer  as  a  possible  candi- 
date for  the  senatorship,  but  his  advocates  were  as 
widely  scattered  as  were  those  of  William  Larrabee. 
The  editor  of  the  Keokuk  Gate  City  thought  that 
Kasson  would  be  the  one  finally  selected  to  make  the 
race  against  Wilson,  since  he  was  the  only  man  in 
the  State  strong  enough  to  make  any  headway  in 
such  a  contest.396  At  Marshalltown,  in  central  Iowa, 
Kasson  also  found  favor.397 

The  county  and  district  nominating  conventions 
also  furnished  some  evidence  of  unsettled  public 
opinion  on  the  senatorial  question.  It  was  asserted 
that  a  number  of  counties  which  were  supposed  to  be 
Wilson  strongholds  had  gone  against  him.  Special 
attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that  both  of  the 
legislative  nominees  in  Marshall  County  were  op- 
posed to  Wilson,  although  six  years  before  that 
county  had  furnished  him  his  leading  support.398 
On  the  other  hand,  Wilson  received  hearty  endorse- 
ment in  a  number  of  counties. 


212         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

A  movement  in  favor  of  a  Union  soldier  for 
Senator  received  considerable  support  during  the 
summer  and  fall.  '  *  The  plain  people  of  Iowa  have  a 
great  many  sensible  notions ",  was  the  comment 
which  appeared  in  a  Des  Moines  newspaper.  "One 
of  these  notions  is  that  the  Republican  party  should 
not  put  all  of  its  enthusiasm  for  the  Union  soldier 
in  its  platform  and  forget  him  in  its  ticket/'399  An- 
other editor  pointed  out  the  fact  that  there  was  a 
score  of  ex-Confederate  soldiers  in  Congress  and 
declared  that  it  was  "but  right  that  Iowa  send  a 
man  to  the  Senate  who  fought  on  the  other  side."400 
But  the  Union  soldier  idea  apparently  wasted  itself 
in  talk,  for  no  candidate  was  selected  to  put  the  idea 
to  a  practical  test,  unless  the  support  given  to 
William  P.  Hepburn  at  the  eleventh  hour  was  sug- 
gested by  his  service  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion. 

The  friends  of  James  F.  Wilson  endeavored  to 
make  light  of  the  soldier  in  politics  movement,  as 
well  as  of  the  locality  plea  which  was  advanced  in 
favor  of  a  man  from  the  western  part  of  the  State. 
From  Fort  Dodge,  in  the  midst  of  the  section  which 
was  demanding  a  western  candidate,  came  the  state- 
ment that  "the  soldier  plea  is  not  a  strong  one 
against  such  a  man  as  Wilson,  who  was  as  strong 
and  useful  a  patriot  in  congress  during  the  war  as 
he  could  have  been,  or  any  lowan  was,  on  the  tented 
field."401 

Shortly  before  the  meeting  of  the  legislature 
William  P.  Hepburn  received  considerable  favorable 
comment  as  a  candidate  against  Wilson;  and  Judge 


THE  ELECTION  OF  WILSON  IN  1888         213 

Reed  was  occasionally  mentioned  in  the  western  part 
of  the  State.  But  with  these  two  exceptions  the  op- 
position to  Wilson  was  unorganized  and  indefinite, 
and  even  those  who  preferred  someone  else  for  Sen- 
ator were  forced  to  concede  his  nomination  by  a  sub- 
stantial majority  of  the  Republican  members  of  the 
legislature. 

The  Republican  caucus  was  held  on  Tuesday 
evening,  January  10,  1888,  the  day  following  the 
convening  of  the  General  Assembly.  The  calling  of 
the  caucus  at  so  early  a  date  was  somewhat  unusual 
and  was  resented  by  the  friends  of  Hepburn,  who 
had  succeeded  in  working  up  something  of  a  boom 
for  their  favorite.  "  There  had  been  no  talk  of 
Tuesday  evening ",  declared  a  Des  Moines  editor, 
"and  invariable  precedent  whenever  there  had  been 
a  contest,  had  deferred  the  time  for  the  caucus  until 
the  latter  part  of  the  week,  and  in  some  instances  as 
late  as  the  Monday  night  before  the  day  of  election. 
Inquiry  also  showed  that  there  had  been  no  meeting 
of  the  committee,  but  the  call  had  been  carried 
around  to  the  different  members  and  their  signa- 
tures had  been  secured  in  one  or  two  instances  at 
least  through  a  misunderstanding.  This  fact  alone 
would  seem  to  make  the  call  irregular  if  not  illegal, 
and  therefore  null  and  void."402 

In  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  Hepburn  men  the 
caucus  was,  nevertheless,  held  in  pursuance  of  the 
call,  although  a  motion  for  postponement  was  only 
defeated  by  a  vote  of  forty-seven  to  forty-five.  Be- 
fore any  nominations  could  be  made  Timothy  J. 


214         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Caldwell  withdrew  the  name  of  William  P.  Hepburn 
in  a  speech  tinged  with  bitterness,  charging  the 
Eepublican  party  with  being  profuse  in  their  praise 
of  old  soldiers  but  of  failing  to  do  anything  for  them 
when  it  came  to  offices.  James  F.  Wilson  was  then 
nominated  as  was  also  William  Larrabee,  but  Eobert 
G.  Eeiniger  immediately  arose  and  announced  that 
Larrabee  positively  forbade  the  use  of  his  name. 
The  nomination  of  Wilson  was  thereupon  made 
unanimous.403 

The  friends  of  Colonel  Hepburn  were  inclined  to 
feel  that  the  result  had  been  achieved  through  un- 
fair means  on  the  part  of  the  supporters  of  the 
successful  candidate,  although  no  wrong  intentions 
were  attributed  to  Wilson  himself.  "It  is  a  com- 
pliment no  less  to  the  individual  than  the  principle 
involved ",  declared  an  editor  who  sympathized  with 
this  view  in  speaking  of  Hepburn's  candidacy,  "that 
without  any  preliminary  organization,  and  in  the 
face  of  every  disadvantage  in  the  conditions  of  the 
contest,  he  showed  a  positive  strength  that  fore- 
shadowed his  nomination  had  the  caucus  been  held 
at  the  usual  time."404 

As  was  the  case  four  years  earlier  the  two  houses 
of  the  General  Assembly  voted  for  United  States 
Senator  on  two  separate  days,  January  17th  and 
24th,  and  joint  conventions  were  held  to  compare  the 
journals  on  January  18th  and  25th,  in  order  to  make 
certain  that  the  provisions  of  the  Federal  law  had 
been  complied  with.  In  each  case  James  F.  Wilson 
received  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  votes  cast, 


THE  ELECTION  OF  WILSON  IN  1888         215 

his  nearest  competitor  being  T.  J.  Anderson,  the 
Democratic  nominee.  Daniel  Campbell,  J.  E.  Eeed, 
John  A.  T.  Hull,  and  Henry  Wallace  were  other  men 
who  received  votes  varying  in  number  from  one  to 
three.405  A  certificate  of  election  was  therefore  is- 
sued to  James  F.  Wilson  for  his  second  and  last 
term  in  the  United  States  Senate. 


XVI 

THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON 
IN  1890 

FOE  the  third  time  the  question  of  a  successor  to 
Senator  William  B.  Allison  became  a  topic  of  dis- 
cussion in  Iowa  during  the  year  1889.  For  over 
sixteen  years  he  had  represented  the  State  in  the 
upper  house  of  Congress  in  a  manner  satisfactory 
to  a  great  majority  of  his  constituents.  Thus,  in 
many  respects  the  campaign  resembled  the  one  six 
years  before.  Such  opposition  as  there  was  to  him 
was  scattered,  and  no  candidate  appeared  against 
him  within  the  ranks  of  his  own  party.  Further- 
more, the  Democrats  again  took  an  interest  in  the 
question,  and  during  the  weeks  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  fall  elections  the  prohibition  question 
complicated  the  situation,  though  not  to  such  an 
extent  as  in  the  previous  campaign. 

At  the  same  time  the  campaign  had  its  peculiar 
features,  for  this  was  the  year  of  the  Democratic 
victory  in  the  election  of  Horace  Boies  as  Governor. 
While  the  Eepublicans  still  retained  supremacy  in 
the  legislature  it  was  on  the  basis  of  such  a  small 
majority  that  complete  harmony  was  necessary 
within  the  party  to  elect  a  United  States  Senator. 
It  was  doubtless  this  fact  that  encouraged  the  feeble 

216 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1890        217 

opposition  to  Allison  which  appeared  in  a  few 
quarters. 

Just  as  had  been  the  case  two  years  before, 
William  Larrabee  was  early  mentioned  as  the  proper 
man  for  the  senatorship.  "Larrabee  for  governor; 
Hutchinson  for  Lieutenant-Governor ;  then  Larrabee 
for  United  States  Senator  and  Hutchinson  for  gov- 
ernor, is  the  latest  ",406  declared  an  editor,  who 
opposed  Allison  throughout  the  contest.  "We'll 
venture  the  peanuts  that  the  above  ticket  will  not  be 
nominated",407  was  the  reply  of  an  editor  in  a 
neighboring  town ;  and  his  prophecy  proved  true. 

Another  newspaper  which  opposed  the  reelection 
of  Allison  and  favored  William  Larrabee  for  the 
senatorship  was  the  Des  Moines  News.  At  first  the 
editor  objected  to  Allison's  alleged  views  on  the  rail- 
road question,  but  being  forced  to  drop  these  ob- 
jections on  account  of  a  speech  by  the  Senator,  he 
charged  Allison  with  timidity  in  facing  the  issues  of 
the  day.  ' '  Senator  Allison  has  evidently  been  hear- 
ing from  the  people ",  ran  the  editor's  comment. 
"His  Sigourney  speech,  of  which  we  print  a  liberal 
extract  elsewhere,  is  the  most  pronounced  utterance 
of  his  cautious  and  timid  political  life.  It  shows 
that  he  realizes  the  delicacy  and  danger  of  his  posi- 
tion. But  it  does  not  prove  that  he  is  the  man  to 
represent  Iowa  in  the  Senate.  Governor  Larrabee 
ought  to  have  his  seat;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  deep 
and  general  regret  that  he  is  not  a  candidate  for 
it."408  It  was  especially  asserted  that  Allison  de- 
sired to  avoid  expressing  a  definite  opinion  on  the 


218         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

prohibition  question,  but  lie  was  ably  defended  by 
his  friends.409 

The  charges  of  corruption  in  connection  with  the 
building  of  railroads  in  northwestern  Iowa,  which 
had  been  made  against  Allison  six  years  before, 
were  again  brought  forward  and  as  indignantly  de- 
nied and  refuted  by  his  friends.410  At  the  same  time 
the  masses  of  the  Eepublican  party  indicated  their 
confidence  in  the  senior  Senator  by  resolutions  of 
endorsement  in  county  conventions. 

The  result  of  the  fall  elections  gave  the  Demo- 
crats the  hope  that  they  might  attract  the  votes  of  a 
sufficient  number  of  Eepublican  legislators  to  elect 
a  Senator  of  their  own  choice.  "The  Democratic 
scheme  to  buy  four  Eepublican  votes  in  the  Iowa 
Legislature  to  defeat  Allison,  and  elect  John  C.  Bills, 
a  free-trader,  to  the  United  States  Senate,  has  cre- 
ated a  sensation  ",411  declared  an  eastern  Iowa 
editor.  But  in  reply  there  came  the  assurance  that 
a  bill  for  the  taxation  of  church  property  introduced 
in  the  Iowa  Senate  had  "sounded  the  political  death- 
knell  of  John  C.  Bills.  "412  There  was  also  a  sug- 
gestion that  the  Democrats  would  nominate  a  Eepub- 
lican in  order  to  defeat  Allison,413  but  in  general  it 
may  be  said  that  the  Democrats  favored  the  re- 
election of  Allison  in  case  they  could  not  choose  a 
man  from  their  own  ranks. 

While  the  comparative  equality  of  the  two  parties 
in  the  approaching  General  Assembly  infused  hope 
into  the  Democratic  camp  and. into  the  minds  of  a 
few  dissatisfied  Eepublicans,  it  likewise  caused  con- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1890        219 

siderable  apprehension  among  the  supporters  of 
Allison  who  were  best  able  to  estimate  the  possibili- 
ties in  the  contest.  "Scores  of  the  Bepnblican 
papers  that  assume  to  make  light  of  the  tremendous 
effort  that  is  being  made  to  defeat  Senator  Allison 
would  change  their  tune  if  they  were  a  little  nearer 
the  seat  of  war > ',  came  the  warning  from  the  capital 
city.414  The  possibility  that  a  few  anti-prohibition 
Eepublicans  might  go  over  to  the  Democrats  added 
an  element  of  uncertainty  to  the  situation.  Further- 
more, a  temporary  local  movement  in  favor  of  Judge 
James  H.  Rothrock  of  Cedar  Eapids  caused  some 
disturbance  until  the  Judge  made  a  public  declara- 
tion that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate.415 

It  became  apparent  late  in  December  that  there 
would  be  a  sharp  contest  over  the  speakership  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  Iowa  legislature, 
and  it  was  naturally  expected  that  the  senatorial 
question  would  be  affected  thereby.  The  Democrats 
threatened  that  if  the  Republicans  did  not  concede 
the  speakership  to  them  they  would  filibuster  and 
prevent  the  election  of  Allison.  The  Republicans, 
on  the  other  hand,  declared  that  if  a  speaker  was  not 
chosen  and  the  legislature  organized  the  Democrats 
could  not  inaugurate  their  Governor,  and  therefore 
a  failure  to  elect  a  United  States  Senator  would  only 
result  in  leaving  Allison  in  his  seat.416 

Republican  editors  were  now  very  earnest  in 
calling  upon  the  Republican  members  of  the  legis- 
lature to  be  true  to  their  party.  An  interview  with 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  was  reprinted  from  an  eastern 


220         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

newspaper,  asserting  that  Allison's  candidacy  was 
all  that  had  saved  the  legislature  from  going  Demo- 
cratic at  the  fall  elections.  This  being  the  case  it 
would  be  base  ingratitude  for  Eepublican  legislators 
to  vote  against  Allison.417  "We  believe  that  every 
Eepublican  county  convention  held  in  the  state 
passed  a  resolution  favorable  to  the  re-election  of 
Senator  Allison",  admonished  a  northern  Iowa 
writer,  "and  every  Eepublican  elected  to  the  legis- 
lature is  under  the  most  solemn  obligation  of  party 
fealty  and  political  honor  to  vote  for  the  dis- 
tinguished senator.  "418 

Thus  the  question  stood  when  the  members  of  the 
General  Assembly  began  to  arrive  at  Des  Moines  for 
the  session  which  was  to  convene  on  January  13, 
1890.  A  Democratic  paper  in  the  capital  city  fre- 
quently contained  assertions  that  corporation  men 
were  coming  to  Des  Moines  to  aid  in  the  Allison 
campaign.  For  instance,  Grenville  M.  Dodge  hap- 
pened to  be  in  the  city  to  attend  some  meetings  of 
railroad  directors,  and  it  was  declared  that  he  had 
come  to  bring  railroad  influence  to  bear  in  favor  of 
Allison.  But  the  Senator's  friends  pointed  out  that 
if  Dodge  had  come  all  the  way  from  New  York  City 
to  aid  Allison  he  would  have  chosen  a  time  when 
there  was  more  material  to  work  upon,  since  at  the 
time  of  his  visit  there  were  only  three  members  of 
the  legislature  in  Des  Moines.419 

The  scattered  opposition  to  Senator  Allison 
failed  to  attain  its  object,  for  on  the  evening  of 
January  16th  he  was  unanimously  renominated  by 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1890        221 

an  enthusiastic  Eepublican  caucus  attended  by  every 
Eepublican  member  of  the  legislature  except  four 
who  voted  by  proxy.  There  were  no  other  nomina- 
tions and  the  caucus  was  entirely  harmonious.420 

Although  the  question  was  now  practically  set- 
tled it  was  not  until  nearly  two  months  later  that  the 
legislature  gave  official  confirmation  to  the  choice  of 
Senator  Allison,  for  it  was  not  until  February  19th 
that  John  T.  Hamilton  was  elected  Speaker  of  the 
House  on  the  one  hundred  and  thirty-seventh  bal- 
lot.421 The  second  Tuesday  after  the  organization 
of  the  General  Assembly,  therefore,  was  March  4, 
1890.  On  that  day  the  two  houses  voted  separately 
for  United  States  Senator,  and  on  the  following  day 
the  journals  were  compared  in  joint  convention.  Of 
the  votes  cast  William  B.  Allison  received  seventy- 
nine  as  opposed  to  sixty-three  for  S.  T.  Bestow,  the 
Democratic  nominee,  and  eight  for  William  Lar- 
rabee.422  Another  term  of  six  years  in  the  United 
States  Senate  was  thus  allotted  to  Senator  Allison. 


XVII 
THE  ELECTION  OF  JOHN  H.  GEAR  IN  1894 

THE  story  of  the  long  contest  which  preceded  the 
senatorial  election  of  1894  reads  like  a  repetition  of 
the  memorable  campaigns  of  twenty  and  thirty  years 
earlier.  Instead  of  a  single  Republican  candidate 
with  only  feeble  opposition  there  were  a  number  of 
Republican  aspirants  who  remained  in  the  field  till 
the  question  was  settled  by  the  legislative  caucus; 
while  the  Democrats  gave  valiant  support  to  one  of 
their  number  until  the  fall  elections  deprived  them 
of  all  hope  of  success. 

The  year  1893  was  a  year  of  sharp  political  con- 
tests in  Iowa.  Republican  leaders  were  determined 
to  stem  the  tide  of  Democratic  victory  as  evidenced 
in  two  successive  terms  of  Horace  Boies  as  Gov- 
ernor. Casting  about  for  means  to  this  end  they 
accurately  hit  upon  the  real  cause  of  Republican 
defeat  in  the  past  two  campaigns  —  namely,  the  con- 
tinued endorsement  of  prohibition  as  the  best  means 
of  solving  the  liquor  problem.  And  so  it  was  de- 
cided to  abandon  an  issue  which  had  operated  so 
disastrously  to  the  party,  and  in  the  State  platform 
it  was  declared  that  "prohibition  is  no  test  of  Re- 
publicanism ",  and  the  liquor  question  was  relegated 
to  the  care  of  the  General  Assembly.423  As  a  result, 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GEAR  IN  1894  223 

after  a  lively  campaign,  the  Republicans  elected 
Frank  D.  Jackson  as  Governor  by  an  overwhelming 
majority,  and  were  equally  successful  with  respect 
to  the  other  State  officers  and  the  legislature. 

Scarcely  second  in  popular  interest  was  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  United  States  senatorial  succession 
which  continued  throughout  the  year.  Senator 
James  F.  Wilson,  now  approaching  the  end  of  his 
second  term,  having  early  declared  that  he  would  not 
be  a  candidate  for  reelection,  the  necessity  of  choos- 
ing an  entirely  new  man  added  novelty  and  zest  to 
the  contest;  and  many  were  the  politicians  who  be- 
gan to  dream  of  themselves  sitting  in  the  upper 
house  of  Congress. 

Indeed,  as  early  as  the  fall  of  1892,  a  year  and 
a  half  before  the  contest  closed,  a  number  of  men 
were  being  favorably  mentioned  as  capable  of  filling 
the  position  soon  to  be  vacated  by  Senator  Wilson. 
A  Democratic  editor,  reviewing  the  situation  about 
the  middle  of  January,  mentioned  James  S.  Clark- 
son,  John  H.  Gear,  William  P.  Hepburn,  Albert  B. 
Cummins,  David  B.  Henderson,  John  Y.  Stone,  and 
James  E.  Blythe  as  Eepublicans  who  were  looking 
longingly  toward  the  senatorship.  "The  prevailing 
opinion  among  democrats  and  not  a  few  repub- 
licans", concluded  the  editor,  "is  that  it  makes  very 
little  difference  who  the  republican  candidate  may 
be,  as  the  people  have  already  decided  upon  Horace 
Boies,  for  that  position. ' M24  There  was  also  about 
this  time  a  movement  in  favor  of  Walter  I.  Hayes 
of  Clinton,  then  the  only  Democratic  member  of 


224         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Congress  from  Iowa,  but  he  declined  the  nomination 
since  Horace  Boies  was  clearly  the  choice  of  the 
majority  of  the  Democrats.425 

Editor  Eichard  P.  Clarkson  in  discussing  the 
prospects  early  in  1893  added  a  number  of  prominent 
names  to  the  list  of  possibilities  presented  by  his 
Democratic  contemporary.  George  D.  Perkins, 
Jonathan  P.  Dolliver,  Edwin  H.  Conger,  John  A.  T. 
Hull,  James  Wilson,  and  John  F.  Lacey  were  men 
who  were  considered  worthy  of  the  honor,  although 
Editor  Clarkson  naturally  looked  with  especial  favor 
upon  Albert  B.  Cummins  of  Des  Moines.426 

After  this  preliminary  discussion  of  possible 
candidates  the  question  of  the  senatorial  succession 
was  permitted  to  rest  until  early  in  the  summer. 
There  had  been  considerable  talk  by  both  parties, 
but  especially  by  the  Democrats,  of  nominating  Sen- 
ators at  the  State  conventions.  But  as  the  time  for 
the  Democratic  convention  approached  this  plan  was 
abandoned,  apparently  at  the  request  of  Governor 
Boies,  who  was  still  the  party  favorite  for  the  sena- 
torship.  According  to  the  Republican  version,  the 
question  was  settled  by  the  Democratic  State  Central 
Committee  which  met  in  Des  Moines  during  the 
second  week  in  June.  "The  object  was  stated  to  be, 
in  the  confidential  recesses  of  the  committee  room", 
ran  the  account,  "that  the  governor  may  be  given  a 
chance  to  draw  out  of  the  fight  for  the  senatorship 
as  soon  as  he  is  convinced  that  the  race  is  hope- 
less. "427  Thus  it  was  decided  not  to  make  a  nom- 
ination at  the  State  convention,  and  the  incident 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GEAR  IN  1894  225 

served  to  bring  down  on  the  Democrats  the  jeers  of 
Republican  editors.428 

Although  the  formal  announcement  of  the  can- 
didacy of  Albert  B.  Cummins  was  apparently  not 
made  until  the  latter  part  of  November,  he  had  an 
able  advocate  in  Editor  Clarkson  who  presented  his 
name  to  the  people  of  the  State  in  a  long  editorial 
late  in  August.  The  editor  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  influence  which  Iowa  exerted  in  the 
upper  house  of  Congress  must  soon  pass  into  the 
care  of  younger  men.  And  among  the  younger  Re- 
publicans in  the  State  no  one  was  better  qualified  to 
fill  the  position  than  the  Des  Moines  lawyer.  "Mr. 
Cummins'  record  as  a  Republican  is  clear  and  un- 
sullied ",  declared  Clarkson,  in  summing  up  the 
arguments  in  favor  of  his  candidate,  "he  is  a  life 
long  Republican,  although  he  has  not  always  been 
able  to  agree  with  other  Republicans  on  the  question 
which  the  party  has  repeatedly  declared  is  no  test  of 
Republicanism.  .  .  .  His  campaign  tour  last 
month  was  almost  a  triumphal  march.  .  .  .  He 
is  young,  courageous,  brilliant,  able,  of  regal  mind 
and  warm  heart;  his  candidacy  is  full  of  magnet- 
ism".429 

At  the  Democratic  State  Convention  Horace 
Boies  was  nominated  for  a  third  term  as  Governor. 
But  in  spite  of  this  fact  it  was  declared  that  he  was 
still  a  candidate  for  the  senatorship  and  would  be 
the  choice  of  his  party.  This  statement  was  made  on 
the  authority  of  the  Dubuque  Herald,  the  editor  of 
which  had  formerly  been  private  secretary  to  Gov- 

15 


226         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

ernor  Boies,  and  was  cited  as  a  warning  to 
Republican  voters.  "Gov.  Boies  is  not  running  for 
governor  this  year  —  he  is  running  for  the  United 
States  senate,  while  poor  old  Mr.  Bestow  is  the  real 
candidate  for  an  office  of  which  he  can  not  fill  one 
side",  commented  a  Des  Moines  editor.  "Gov. 
Boies  is  only  a  blind  on  the  ticket.  He  is  only  a 
mask.  Pull  it  away  and  you  see  the  face  of  Bes- 
tow. "43° 

The  importance  of  every  vote  was  now  strongly 
emphasized  by  Eepublican  leaders.  It  was  asserted 
that  not  even  during  the  Civil  War  was  Iowa's  vote 
of  such  great  consequence  in  National  affairs,  since 
never  before  had  Iowa  been  in  a  position  to  change 
the  political  complexion  of  either  house  of  Congress. 
The  State  Senators  elected  that  year  would  have  a 
voice  in  choosing  two  United  States  Senators. 
"Changing  one  or  both  of  Iowa's  United  States 
Senators ",  continued  the  warning,  "may  keep  the 
National  senate  Democratic  for  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury, if  not  permanently,  for  if  the  Democrats  gain 
the  power  to  elect  the  Iowa  senator  in  the  next  legis- 
lature they  will  have  the  strength  to  redistrict  every 
congressional,  legislative  and  judicial  district  in  the 
state,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  Democracy  a 
majority  of  the  congressmen,  a  majority  in  each 
branch  of  the  legislature  and  a  majority  of  the  dis- 
trict judges  of  the  state. "  Therefore,  Republican 
voters  were  urged  to  be  on  their  guard  against  the 
Democratic  assertions  that  National  issues  had  no 
part  in  the  campaign.431 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GEAR  IN  1894  227 

At  the  fall  elections,  as  has  been  stated,  the  Ee- 
publicans  were  overwhelmingly  successful.  Thence- 
forth the  senatorial  question  became  more  than  ever 
the  chief  subject  of  political  interest.  The  Demo- 
crats, now  eliminated  from  the  race,  assumed  the 
role  of  onlookers  in  the  contest  between  the  various 
Eepublican  rivals. 

November  was  a  month  of  formal  announce- 
ments of  candidacy  by  the  senatorial  aspirants.  The 
names  of  John  H.  Gear,  Albert  B.  Cummins,  John 
F.  Lacey,  William  P.  Hepburn,  George  D.  Perkins, 
and  John  Y.  Stone  were  now  placed  definitely  before 
the  people  as  avowed  candidates.  At  the  same  time 
the  question  of  locality  rose  into  prominence  as  an 
issue  in  the  contest.  With  the  exception  of  George  G. 
Wright  and  James  W.  MeDill  all  of  the  Senators  from 
Iowa  had  thus  far  come  from  the  eastern  part  of  the 
State.  Furthermore,  Senator  Allison's  home  was  at 
Dubuque  and  hence  it  was  urged  that  Wilson's  suc- 
cessor should  come  from  central  or  western  Iowa. 

The  effect  of  the  election  of  an  eastern  man  upon 
the  candidacy  of  William  B.  Allison  to  succeed  him- 
self for  a  fifth  term  two  years  hence  was  used  with 
great  force  by  those  who  favored  a  western  candi- 
date, as  well  as  by  those  who  feared  for  Allison's 
welfare.  "The  position  gained  by  Senator  Allison 
through  his  long  experience  has  made  him  not  only 
an  honor  to  Iowa,  but  a  necessity  to  the  nation", 
commented  a  Dubuque  editor.  "Until  the  monetary 
question  is  fully  settled  no  man  is  so  badly  needed 
in  the  councils  of  our  nation  as  our  efficient  repre- 


228         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

sentative  in  the  upper  house.  If  the  friends  of  the 
senator  do  not  desire  his  usefulness  limited  to  the 
remaining  two  years  of  the  present  term  they  will 
see  that  the  western  part  of  the  state  is  not  neglected 
this  time.  This  is  intended  for  a  pointer.  "432 

The  locality  argument  was  naturally  used  most 
strongly  against  John  H.  Gear  of  Burlington.  A 
loyal  Cummins  supporter  insisted  that  it  was  not 
fair  to  allow  Dubuque  and  Des  Moines  counties  to 
have  both  of  the  United  States  Senators.  These 
counties  went  strongly  Democratic  at  the  last  elec- 
tion, while  the  central  and  western  parts  of  the  State 
returned  large  Republican  majorities.  The  senato- 
rial candidates  in  eastern  Iowa  were  not  of  such  over- 
towering  ability  that  the  question  of  locality  could  be 
ignored  in  the  distribution  of  political  honors.433 

The  friends  of  Gear,  on  the  other  hand,  main- 
tained that  locality  should  not  be  the  deciding  factor 
in  the  campaign  and  that  it  ought  not  operate  against 
their  candidate.  It  was  asserted  that  a  United 
States  Senator  was  the  representative  of  the  entire 
State  and  there  had  been  no  instance  in  which  he 
had  attempted  to  advance  the  interests  of  the  par- 
ticular locality  in  which  he  resided,  to  the  neglect  of 
the  rest  of  the  State.  Moreover,  while  it  was  ad- 
mitted that  the  Senators  and  many  other  Federal 
appointees  had  come  from  the  eastern  third  of  the 
State,  it  was  shown  that  a  majority  of  the  State 
officials  had  for  many  years  been  selected  from  cen- 
tral and  western  Iowa.434 

Major  Lacey,  declared  a  Democratic  editor  who 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GEAR  IN  1894  229 

continued  to  take  a  lively  interest  in  the  contest,  was 
"the  candidate  of  the  opposition  to  the  republican 
central  committee  and  the  so-called  ring  which  man- 
aged the  last  campaign."  A  meeting  of  Major 
Lacey's  leading  supporters  was  said  to  have  been 
held  in  Des  Moines  during  the  last  week  in  Novem- 
ber, and  at  this  meeting  there  were  present  Lafayette 
Young  of  Des  Moines,  Albert  Swalm  of  Oskaloosa, 
Ben  McCoy  of  Oskaloosa,  Secretary  of  State  Mc- 
Farland  and  others.433 

The  friends  of  Albert  B.  Cummins  were  also 
actively  at  work  under  the  leadership  of  a  well 
organized  committee  consisting  of  George  G.  Wright, 
R.  P.  Clarkson,  C.  H.  Gatch,  Edwin  H.  Conger,  C.  G. 
McCarthy,  and  others.  This  committee  prepared  a 
circular  letter  urging  the  claims  of  their  candidate 
and  sent  it  over  the  State,  especially  to  members  of 
the  legislature.436 

Through  all  the  campaign  ex-Governor  Gear  was 
forced  to  bear  the  brunt  of  opposition  from  the 
friends  of  the  other  rivals,  for  he  was  the  only  dis- 
tinctly eastern  candidate.  For  instance,  it  was 
claimed  that  Gear,  being  nearly  seventy  years  of  age, 
was  too  old  to  be  of  great  service  to  the  State  in  the 
Senate.  To  send  him  there  in  order  that  he  might 
"round  out"  his  career,  as  some  of  his  friends  urged, 
sounded  very  well,  but  it  would  not  be  profitable  for 
the  people  of  Iowa.  The  only  way  in  which  the  State 
could  have  another  Senator  who  would  compare  with 
Allison  would  be  to  send  a  young  man  and  allow  him 
to  become  efficient  through  experience.437 


230         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Again  the  antagonism  between  the  interests  of 
Gear  and  Allison  was  pointed  out.  Every  vote  cast 
for  Gear,  it  was  declared,  was  a  direct  stab  at  Al- 
lison. Northeastern  Iowa  was  especially  warned 
against  lending  its  support  to  the  Burlington  candi- 
date, since  the  Gear  opposition  had  indicated  its 
intention  of  working  against  Allison  when  he  came 
up  for  reelection  in  case  northeastern  Iowa  stood  for 
Gear.438 

Alleged  support  by  corporations  was  another 
argument  used  against  Gear  by  his  opponents. 
' '  There  never  was  in  the  history  of  Iowa  politics ", 
charged  one  editor,  "a  more  relentless  machine  at 
work  than  now.  The  Q  road,  some  of  the  state  cen- 
tral committee  and  the  postmasters  and  ex-federal 
office  holders  manipulated  by  Gear  himself  are  seek- 
ing to  cover  the  field  and  garner  the  benefits. ' '  And 
again  in  the  same  paper  the  writer  referred  to  Gear 
as  '  i  the  candidate  of  a  packed  caucus,  backed  by  cor- 
porate interests  as  represented  by  the  Q  road".439 

Late  in  December  a  new  candidate  was  added  to 
the  list  in  the  person  of  Lorenzo  S.  Coffin  of  Fort 
Dodge,  who  earlier  in  the  year  had  refused  the  Pro- 
hibition nomination  as  Governor.  The  announce- 
ment of  his  candidacy  was  looked  upon  in  some 
quarters  as  adding  another  worthy  contestant  to  the 
race.  There  were  others,  however,  doubtless  taking 
exception  to  Coffin's  well  known  views  on  the  liquor 
question,  who  greeted  his  candidacy  as  a  joke,  and 
referred  to  him  as  playing  "the  buffoon's  part  in 
the  existing  play  of  politics".440 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GEAR  IN  1894  231 

The  lobbies  of  the  Des  Moines  hotels  were  alive 
with  friends  of  the  various  senatorial  candidates 
several  days  before  the  legislature  convened  on 
January  8,  1894.  Eumors  of  dark  horses  and  com- 
promise candidates  were  rife.  From  one  source 
came  the  statement  that  the  "  contest  will  be  close, 
and  it  would  not  be  strange  if  Larrabee  was  named 
as  the  best  settlement  of  the  wrangle. ' >441  The  name 
of  J.  S.  Clarkson  was  again  brought  forward  as  one 
on  which  followers  of  the  different  standards  might 
unite. 

Excitement  increased  apace  as  the  legislators  ar- 
rived and  the  General  Assembly  organized  for  the 
work  of  the  session.  The  date  for  the  caucus  was 
the  first  question  for  decision.  A  conference  of  the 
advisers  of  the  rival  leaders  was  held  on  Tuesday 
evening,  January  9th ;  and  it  was  determined  to  hold 
the  caucus  for  State  printer,  State  binder,  and 
wardens  of  the  penitentiaries  on  Friday  evening, 
while  the  senatorial  caucus  was  postponed  until  the 
following  Monday,  January  15th.  This  decision  was 
considered  a  victory  for  the  anti-Gear  forces,  since 
Gear  was  claimed  to  be  anxious  for  an  early  test  of 
strength.  The  other  candidates  were  pleased  with 
the  outcome  as  it  would  furnish  an  opportunity 
for  trading  and  log-rolling  at  the  caucus  on  Friday 
evening.  It  was  quite  evident  that  Gear  was  in  the 
lead,  but  each  of  the  opposing  candidates  hoped  to 
win  the  votes  of  those  who  opposed  Gear  after  the 
first  ballot  in  the  caucus.442 

Every  effort  was  made  during  the  short  time  that 


232         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

remained  to  prejudice  the  members  of  the  legislature 
against  Gear.  The  locality  plea  and  the  effect  of 
Gear's  election  on  Allison's  chances  were  constantly 
harped  upon.  Furthermore,  the  cry  was  raised  that 
the  Gear  faction  was  circulating  petitions  in  central 
and  western  Iowa.  "  These  petitions ",  was  the  as- 
sertion, "recite  in  large  letters  that  the  people,  espe- 
cially those  who  sign  it,  are  first  for  the  candidate 
from  the  particular  district  in  which  such  county  is 
situated,  and  then  in  little  letters,  so  as  to  be  hardly 
visible,  it  is  recited  that  Gear  is  their  second  choice. 
The  men  who  are  circulating  these  petitions  are  paid 
for  their  services.  These  signatures  will  be  used  to 
persuade  western  and  central  Iowa  members  that 
their  constituents  want  them  to  vote  for  an  eastern 
Iowa  man."443 

The  hour  set  for  the  Republican  caucus  on  Mon- 
day evening,  January  15th,  found  the  galleries  in 
the  hall  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  crowded 
with  anxious  spectators.  The  caucus  organized  with 
Merritt  W.  Harmon  as  chairman,  and  upon  the 
recommendation  of  the  caucus  committee  it  was  de- 
termined that  no  nominating  speeches  should  be 
made.  Thereupon  nominations  were  declared  to  be 
in  order,  and  one  after  another  members  arose  and 
named  John  H.  Gear,  John  Y.  Stone,  John  F.  Lacey, 
A.  B.  Cummins,  George  D.  Perkins,  W.  P.  Hepburn, 
and  L.  S.  Coffin. 

Seven  names  were  thus  submitted  to  the  choice 
of  the  caucus.  Amid  breathless  silence  a  ballot  was 
taken  and  read.  John  H.  Gear  had  received  forty- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  GEAR  IN  1894  233 

two  votes ;  while  his  nearest  competitor,  William  P. 
Hepburn,  had  only  nineteen.  Lacey,  Stone,  Cum- 
mins, and  Perkins  ran  about  even,  with  votes 
ranging  from  ten  to  thirteen,  and  L.  S.  Coffin  brought 
up  the  rear  with  four  votes.  No  one  had  received 
enough  votes  to  nominate,  and  so  a  second  ballot  was 
taken.  This  time  Gear  forged  ahead  to  fifty,  draw- 
ing votes  from  nearly  all  of  the  other  candidates 
except  Cummins,  who  gained  three,  making  him 
fifteen.  And  yet  there  was  no  nomination.  The 
interest  of  the  spectators  was  intense  as  the  names 
were  called  on  the  third  ballot.  Gradually  the  Gear 
vote  mounted  above  the  result  on  the  previous  bal- 
lot, but  it  was  not  until  almost  the  last  ballot  had 
been  read  that  his  victory  was  made  certain.  Then 
it  was  found  that  he  had  received  fifty-seven  votes 
as  opposed  to  the  total  of  fifty-five  given  to  his 
opponents.444  All  of  the  candidates  were  brought 
before  the  caucus  amid  great  applause,  and  each 
made  a  brief  address. 

The  Democratic  caucus  was  held  on  the  same 
evening  in  the  Senate  chamber,  where  Horace  Boies 
was  nominated  without  opposition,  no  other  candi- 
date being  named.445 

The  result  naturally  was  a  disappointment  to 
those  who  felt  strongly  that  eastern  Iowa  was  get- 
ting more  than  its  share.  "Central  and  western 
Iowa  will  yet  be  represented  in  their  own  legislature 
by  men  who  will  be  true  to  their  constituents ' ',  was 
the  determined  comment  of  Kichard  P.  Clarkson, 
' '  and  when  that  day  arrives  they  will  gain  the  rights 


234         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

and  benefits  of  representation.  Keep  your  eye  on 
all  legislators  who  have  thus  denied  their  constitu- 
ents the  right  of  representation."  The  same  editor 
asserted  that  Secretary  of  State  William  M.  Mc- 
Farland  and  Auditor  of  State  Cornelius  G.  Mc- 
Carthy, both  of  whom  had  worked  against  Gear,  had 
been  threatened  with  defeat  for  reelection  unless 
they  ceased  their  opposition.446 

The  result,  however,  was  accepted  with  good 
grace  on  all  sides,  for  throughout  the  whole  contest 
no  objection  had  been  raised  against  Gear  person- 
ally, except  in  respect  to  his  age.  On  January  17th 
and  24th  the  houses  of  the  General  Assembly  met  in 
joint  convention  and  each  time  John  H.  Gear  re- 
ceived an  overwhelming  majority  over  Horace  Boies, 
his  Democratic  opponent;447  and  once  more  the 
question  of  the  senatorial  succession  was  settled. 


XVIII 

THE  ELECTION  OF  WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON 
IN  1896 

No  other  man  in  Iowa  history  has  ever  received  the 
long  continued  and  almost  universal  support  and 
confidence  of  his  constituents  that  was  given  to 
Senator  William  B.  Allison.  His  first  election  was 
accomplished  only  after  a  long  and  bitter  contest, 
but  thereafter  he  was  returned  time  after  time  with 
ever  lessening  opposition,  until  the  contest  that  came 
shortly  before  his  death.  Thus  it  is  that  his  re- 
election in  1896  met  with  the  unanimous  approval 
of  the  Eepublicans  of  Iowa,  as  well  as  of  a  majority 
of  the  members  of  the  Democratic  party.  His  in- 
fluence in  the  United  States  Senate  and  in  the 
councils  of  the  Nation  was  so  well  recognized  that 
there  was  no  thought  of  supplanting  him  by  a  new 
and  inexperienced  man. 

The  absence  of  any  dissenting  voice  in  the  ranks 
of  the  Eepublican  party  in  this  case  may  also  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  during  the  fall  of  1895 
and  the  months  which  followed,  the  name  of  Senator 
Allison  was  frequently  mentioned  as  a  candidate  for 
the  presidential  nomination.  Indeed,  it  may  be  said 
that  there  was  a  distinct  Allison  boom,  not  only  in 
Iowa,  but  in  many  of  the  States  west  of  the  Missis- 

235 


236         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

sippi  Eiver.  And  so  it  would  have  been  the  height 
of  disloyalty  for  his  party  in  Iowa  to  have  shown 
the  least  dissatisfaction  with  his  record  as  a  Sena- 
tor. The  threats  and  warnings  made  two  years 
earlier  were  all  forgotten,  the  locality  argument  was 
ignored,  and  all  sections  united  in  supporting  him 
for  the  senatorship. 

The  prohibition  question  was  again  an  issue  in 
the  State  campaign  of  1895  and  during  the  months 
which  immediately  preceded  the  meeting  of  the  legis- 
lature a  movement  was  put  on  foot  to  secure  a 
re-submission  of  a  prohibitory  amendment  to  the 
State  Constitution.  The  movement  furnished  op- 
portunity for  a  small  partisan  newspaper  warfare 
in  which  the  Eepublicans  were  charged  with  being 
afraid  of  the  issue  which  had  in  the  past  proved  a 
thorn  in  the  flesh  of  the  party.  Furthermore,  an 
effort  was  made  to  bring  about  dissension  among  the 
Republicans  by  complicating  Allison's  senatorial 
and  presidential  chances  with  the  re-submission 
question. 

"Preliminary  to  the  campaign  for  the  nomina- 
tion of  Allison  for  the  presidency ",  declared  The 
Des  Moines  Leader,  "it  is  deemed  necessary,  in 
order  to  put  him  before  the  public  in  the  light  of  the 
favorite  son  of  a  republican  state,  that  he  be  given 
a  triumphant  re-election  to  the  senate  this  winter. 
But  the  same  legislature,  the  Eepublicans  of  which 
will  vote  for  Allison  for  the  senatorship,  will  be 
called  upon  to  deal  with  the  resubmission  question. " 
The  Eepublicans,  declared  the  editor,  wished  to  de- 


THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  IN  1896        237 

feat  re-submission  because  the  approval  of  prohi- 
bition by  the  legislature  would  imply  that  Allison 
was  the  choice  of  prohibitionists  and  would  great- 
ly injure  his  chances  in  the  race  for  the  presidential 
nomination.  Consequently  it  had  been  decided  to 
work  against  the  election  of  certain  legislative 
candidates  who  were  known  to  be  strongly  in 
favor  of  the  re-submission  of  a  prohibitory  amend- 
ment. "It  is  not  understood  that  this  course  has 
the  specific  endorsement  of  the  state  central  com- 
mittee, in  its  official  capacity ' ',  concluded  the  editor, 
"but  the  inner  circle  of  Allison  boomers  think  they 
can  work  it. '  '448 

In  the  same  paper  two  months  later  the  Eepub- 
licans  were  charged  with  another  nefarious  scheme 
in  the  interest  of  Allison's  presidential  candidacy. 
It  was  said  that  a  plan  was  being  concocted  to  elect 
Allison  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  convening  of 
the  General  Assembly,  pass  the  necessary  appropri- 
ation bills,  and  then  adjourn  the  legislature  until 
after  the  National  Eepublican  Convention  in  June 
without  taking  up  the  liquor  question.  This  was  to 
be  accomplished  under  the  pretense  of  giving  time 
for  a  committee  to  make  a  thorough  examination  of 
the  proposed  new  code.  This  would  leave  the  Al- 
lison candidacy  free  from  prejudice  either  way  on 
the  liquor  question.449 

These  charges,  of  course,  were  promptly  taken 
up  and  branded  as  ridiculous  by  Allison's  friends. 
"Only  a  bungler",  said  Editor  Clarkson,  "wxmld 
hope  to  advance  Senator  Allison's  interests  in  such 


238         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

a  manner.  When  the  legislature  meets  it  will  pro- 
ceed to  business,  without  regard  to  the  malicious 
stories  of  papers  like  the  Leader.  "45° 

Succeeding  events  proved  the  truth  of  this  asser- 
tion; for  there  was  nothing  in  the  action  of  the 
General  Assembly,  which  convened  on  January  13, 
1896,  to  indicate  an  attempt  to  adjourn  as  had  been 
charged.  On  Wednesday  evening,  January  15th,  the 
Eepublican  members  of  the  legislature  met  in  caucus 
and  gave  to  William  B.  Allison  the  most  enthusiastic 
nomination  of  his  entire  career,  thus  indicating  to 
the  Nation  at  large  that  the  State  of  Iowa  stood 
squarely  behind  the  movement  to  place  him  in  the 
White  House.  There  were  eloquent  and  eulogistic 
speeches  of  nomination  by  Lyman  Ellis  and  M.  L. 
Temple  on  behalf  of  the  members  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Eepresentatives  respectively,  and  seconding 
speeches  by  Thomas  D.  Healy  and  W.  C.  McArthur. 
The  nomination  was  then  made  by  acclamation,  and 
amid  hearty  applause  Senator  Allison  was  escorted 
to  the  Speaker's  desk,  where  he  spoke  briefly  in 
appreciation  of  the  honor  conferred  upon  him.451 

An  overwhelming  vote  in  favor  of  Allison  was 
revealed  when  the  two  houses  of  the  legislature  met 
in  joint  convention  on  January  22,  1896.  One  hun- 
dred and  eighteen  votes  were  cast  for  him;  while 
Washington  I.  Babb,  the  Democratic  nominee,  re- 
ceived but  twenty-five.  One  vote  was  cast  for  Frank 
Q.  Stuart.452  At  the  age  of  sixty-six,  therefore, 
William  B.  Allison  was  almost  unanimously  re- 
turned to  the  United  States  Senate. 


XIX 

SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 
1900-1911 

THERE  were  five  elections  of  United  State  Sena- 
tors in  Iowa  in  the  eleven  years  beginning  with  1900 
and  ending  with  the  session  of  the  Thirty-fourth 
General  Assembly  in  1911.  In  three  cases  there  were 
sharp  contests,  while  in  two  instances  the  elections 
were  accomplished  with  scarcely  any  opposition. 
But  all  of  these  elections  are  so  recent  and  in  several 
instances  factional  feeling  was  so  strong  that  to 
present  a  detailed  discussion  at  this  time  would  be 
both  impracticable  and  unwise.  Consequently,  no 
effort  will  be  made  to  treat  these  contests  in  detail, 
but  rather  to  present  merely  the  main  facts  and  in- 
cidents in  each  case. 

THE  ELECTION  OF  JOHN  H.  GEAE  IN  1900 

The  decade  under  discussion  opens  with  the  dra- 
matic contest  between  John  H.  Gear  and  Albert  B. 
Cummins  which  ended  in  January,  1900.  In  the 
campaign  much  of  the  same  ground  was  covered  as 
in  the  contest  in  which  the  same  men  were  involved 
six  years  earlier.  There  was  this  difference,  how- 
ever, that  the  race  was  practically  narrowed  down 
to  two  candidates  and  was  consequently  more  direct 
and  intense. 

'  239 


240         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Many  of  the  arguments  which  had  been  advanced 
against  Gear  in  the  previous  contest  were  revived, 
and  in  addition  some  new  ones  were  employed. 
Gear's  age  was  frequently  referred  to  as  a  serious 
objection  to  his  reelection.  A  letter  written  by  him 
in  February,  1881,  was  quoted  in  which  he  had  ob- 
jected to  the  reelection  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  on 
the  ground  of  age  —  Kirkwood  being  sixty-nine 
years  old  at  the  time.  The  inconsistency  of  his  own 
candidacy  at  the  age  of  seventy-five  was  thus  pointed 
out  by  his  opponents.453 

Locality  was  likewise  again  urged  against  Gear 
to  a  certain  extent,  though  this  point  was  not  espe- 
cially emphasized.  The  injustice  of  allowing  two 
Mississippi  Eiver  counties  to  have  both  United 
States  Senators,  when  all  of  western  Iowa  had  been 
thus  far  practically  unrepresented  in  the  Senate, 
was  occasionally  referred  to  by  the  supporters  of 
Cummins;  and  there  were  suggestions  that  Gear's 
election  would  mean  the  defeat  of  Allison  in  1902. 

Again,  bad  faith  was  imputed  to  Gear  in  that,  as 
was  alleged,  a  number  of  the  legislators  had  been 
induced  to  vote  for  him  in  1894  by  the  declaration 
that  he  desired  only  one  term  in  the  Senate  to 
"round  out"  his  political  career  and  by  a  wager 
which  he  made  at  that  time  that  he  would  not  again 
be  a  candidate  for  the  senatorship.454  An  attempt 
was  also  made  to  array  the  laboring  men  of  the  party 
against  Gear  by  charging  him  with  a  lack  of  sym- 
pathy with  the  efforts  of  labor  to  secure  justice. 
His  record  in  attempting  to  settle  the  labor  troubles 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         241 

at  the  United  States  Arsenal  on  Rock  Island  was 
cited  as  evidence.455  Moreover,  his  methods  of  car- 
rying on  the  campaign  for  the  senatorship  were 
referred  to  as  cheap  and  undignified.  He  had  sent 
out  circular  letters  to  prominent  Republicans  in  all 
parts  of  the  State,  asking  their  support  and  stating 
that  his  age  should  not  be  used  as  an  argument 
against  him.  The  sort  of  help  that  could  be  secured 
by  a  printed  circular  letter  and  four  cents  in  stamps 
was  alluded  to  as  very  cheap  help.456 

But  the  argument  used  with  the  greatest  energy 
in  the  attempt  to  prevent  the  reelection  of  Gear  was 
the  charge  that  he  was  the  candidate  of  a  "Sena- 
torial Trust ",  a  dangerous  political  machine  which 
was  endeavoring  to  assume  a  dictatorship  in  Iowa 
politics.  The  men  who  made  up  this  "Senatorial 
Trust"  or  "Regency"  were  said  to  be  the  members 
of  the  Iowa  delegation  in  the  lower  house  of  Con- 
gress, a  number  of  Federal  officials  from  Iowa,  and 
five  or  six  candidates  who  had  run  against  Gear  for 
the  senatorship  in  1894.  These  men,  especially  the 
Congressmen  and  former  senatorial  candidates,  it 
was  said,  had  declared  that  they  would  not  be  candi- 
dates for  the  senatorship  in  this  contest  in  case  it 
appeared  that  Gear  would  win.  Thus  they  had  com- 
bined to  dictate  the  election  of  Gear  or  of  some 
other  one  of  their  number  in  case  the  election  of  Gear 
could  not  be  accomplished.  The  danger  of  permit- 
ting this  alleged  machine  to  gain  control  of  the  State 
was  again  and  again  pointed  out  by  those  who  were 
working  for  the  success  of  Albert  B.  Cummins.457 

16 


242         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Senator  Gear,  on  the  other  hand,  had  a  great 
many  ardent  supporters  among  the  Eepublican  edi- 
tors and  politicians  of  Iowa,  and  the  attacks  upon 
him  were  repelled  with  vigor.  The  age  argument 
was  declared  to  be  unjust  because  Senator  Gear  was 
in  better  physical  and  mental  condition  than  when 
first  elected,  besides  having  the  advantage  of  ex- 
perience in  the  Senate.  As  far  as  Gear's  attitude 
toward  the  laboring  man  was  concerned  it  was  de- 
clared that  his  record  needed  no  defense,  and  he  was 
given  the  title  of  " Iowa's  Great  Commoner".458 

Finally,  the  existence  of  any  i '  Senatorial  Trust ' ' 
or  machine  organized  to  return  Gear  to  the  Senate 
was  denied.  If  the  Congressmen  and  other  pol- 
iticians named  were  actually  working  for  Gear  it  was 
merely  because  of  personal  preference,  or  for  a 
reason  even  more  potent  —  namely,  the  desire  of 
their  constituents.  These  men  doubtless  wished  to 
retain  their  own  positions  and  to  have  attempted 
anything  of  the  character  alleged  would  have  meant 
defeat  for  them.  Furthermore,  more  than  one  of 
these  very  politicians  was  believed  to  imagine  "that 
the  finger  of  destiny  is  pointing  at  him"  in  con- 
nection with  the  senatorship,  either  at  this  time  or 
later.459 

The  Gear  support,  however,  was  not  content 
merely  to  defend  their  own  candidate.  They  waged 
offensive  warfare  also  against  the  candidacy  of 
Albert  B.  Cummins.  The  chief  point  of  their  op- 
position was  the  record  of  Cummins  as  a  Eepublican, 
and  the  emphasis  on  this  point  was  continued 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         243 

throughout  the  campaign.  In  1887  Mr.  Cummins 
had  been  the  choice  of  a  group  of  Eepublicans  (who 
refused  to  support  the  prohibition  policy)  as  their 
candidate  for  State  Representative.  His  candidacy 
was  endorsed  by  the  Democrats,  and  with  the  aid  of 
Democratic  votes  he  had  been  elected. 

On  the  other  hand  the  supporters  of  Cummins 
declared  that  as  a  member  of  the  legislature  he  had 
voted  with  the  Eepublicans  on  all  questions  except 
prohibition.  But  the  fact  that  he  had  been  elected  by 
the  aid  of  Democratic  votes  was  sufficient  to  blacken 
his  record  as  a  Republican  in  the  eyes  of  his  op- 
ponents. The  Council  Bluffs  Nonpareil  referred  to 
' '  the  political  errors  Cummins  fell  into  when  he  sup- 
ported Boies  for  Governor  and  ran  on  the  demo- 
cratic ticket. '  '46°  Another  editor  asked :  ' '  What  will 
he  do  if  the  republican  party  of  the  nation  declares 
in  favor  of  some  moral  question  and  he  differs  with 
them?  Will  he  do  as  he  did  with  the  party  in  Iowa 
when  it  incorporated  the  temperance  question  in  its 
platform?"461  Such  were  the  comments  and  queries 
which  appeared  in  the  newspapers  favorable  to  Gear 
throughout  the  campaign. 

In  addition  to  the  main  argument  used  against 
Albert  B.  Cummins  was  the  charge  that  his  man- 
agers had  continually  endeavored  to  subordinate 
every  party  interest  to  the  success  of  their  candi- 
date. It  was  charged  that  to  such  an  extent  had  this 
effort  been  carried  that  even  the  appointment  of  a 
state-house  janitor  was  hailed  as  a  Cummins  vic- 
tory; that  the  senatorial  question  had  been  carried 


244         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

into  every  legislative  district  with  the  intention  of 
determining  the  choice  of  legislators ;  that  a  move- 
ment was  started  to  make  a  nomination  for  the  sena- 
torship  at  the  State  Convention,  but  agitation  along 
this  line  had  subsided  when  it  was  found  that  a 
majority  of  the  delegates  to  the  convention  were 
Gear  men ;  that  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  dictate 
the  election  of  the  speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives;462  and  finally  it  was  asserted  that  back 
of  Mr.  Cummins  was  a  ' '  Eegency ' '  or  machine  whose 
chief  purpose  was  to  build  up  Des  Moines  as  the 
center  and  head  of  political  power  in  Iowa.  i '  This ' ', 
said  Editor  J.  L.  Waite,  "more  than  personal  ad- 
miration of  the  candidate,  inspires  the  politicians  of 
Polk  county  in  this  campaign  ",463 

It  was  with  an  exchange  of  such  charges  as  have 
been  indicated  that  the  contest  between  the  two  men 
raged  throughout  the  year  1899.  The  county  and 
district  nominating  conventions,  together  with  the 
fall  elections  of  members  of  the  legislature,  fur- 
nished ample  opportunity  for  speculation  and  figur- 
ing. Both  sides  claimed  the  victory  almost  up  to  the 
date  of  the  legislative  caucus ;  but  an  impartial  count 
would  doubtless  have  foreshadowed  the  success  of 
Senator  Gear. 

The  outcome  became  very  evident  when  on  Jan- 
uary 8,  1900,  the  first  day  of  the  session  of  the 
Twenty-eighth  General  Assembly,  Willard  L.  Eaton, 
the  candidate  of  the  Cummins  supporters  for  the 
speakership,  was  defeated  by  D.  H.  Bowen.  The 
senatorial  caucus  was  held  on  the  evening  of  the 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         245 

same  day,  and  it  proved  comparatively  uninterest- 
ing. All  hope  of  the  election  of  Albert  B.  Cummins 
was  now  gone,  and  so  in  the  caucus  his  name  was 
withdrawn  by  Thomas  A.  Cheshire  in  a  speech  ex- 
pressive of  entire  good  feeling.  John  H.  Gear  was 
then  nominated  for  the  senator  ship  by  acclama- 
tion.464 The  Democrats  had  chosen  Fred  E.  White 
as  their  nominee,  but  they  were  so  much  in  the 
minority  that  when  the  journals  of  the  two  houses 
were  compared  in  joint  convention  on  January  17th 
it  was  found  that  White  had  received  only  thirty- 
two  votes,  while  Gear  had  one  hundred  and  eleven, 
and  was  therefore  declared  his  own  successor  in  the 
Senate.465 

During  the  progress  of  this  campaign  a  predic- 
tion was  made  by  the  editor  of  The  Iowa  City 
Republican  which  is  interesting  in  the  light  of 
subsequent  developments.  "No  one  denies  Mr. 
Cummins  ability  and  brilliancy,  both  of  which  are 
unusual ",  said  the  editor.  "However,  under  exist- 
ing circumstances  he  is  in  no  sense  a  logical 
candidate  for  the  United  States  senate  —  nor  would 
he  be  if  Mr.  Gear  were  not  in  the  field.  The  line  of 
succession  passes  through  Mr.  Gear's  hands  to  Mr. 
Dolliver,  who  seems  to  be  tightening  his  grasp 
thereon.  "466 

THE  APPOINTMENT  OF  JONATHAN  P.  DOLLIVER 

Probably  the  editor  who  made  this  prediction  lit- 
tle dreamed  how  soon  it  would  be  fulfilled.  On  July 
14,  1900,  Senator  John  H.  Gear  died  in  the  seventy- 


246         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

sixth  year  of  his  life.  The  entire  senatorial  question 
was  thus  reopened,  and  there  was  much  conjecture 
and  advice  as  to  the  course  which  Governor  Shaw 
would  pursue.  It  was  generally  believed  that  the 
Governor  himself  had  a  personal  ambition  to  go  to 
the  Senate,  and  there  were  hints  that  he  might  work 
to  that  end.  But  all  doubt  was  removed  on  Wednes- 
day, August  22nd,  when  it  was  announced  that 
Jonathan  P.  Dolliver  had  been  appointed  to  the 
vacant  senatorship  until  the  next  session  of  the 
General  Assembly,  when  his  friends  were  confident 
that  the  appointment  would  be  confirmed.467 

THE  ELECTION  OF  ALLISON  AND  DOLLIVEE  IN  1902 

Albert  B.  Cummins,  however,  had  not  buried  his 
aspirations  for  the  senatorship,  and  his  adherents 
declared  that  he  would  be  an  active  candidate  for 
election  by  the  legislature.  "If  Dolliver  and  Cum- 
mins had  been  in  each  other's  places ",  said  former 
State  Auditor  McCarthy,  one  of  the  managers  of  the 
Cummins  campaign,  "and  the  governor  had  ap- 
pointed Cummins,  Mr.  Dolliver  and  his  friends 
would  not  have  laid  down  and  they  would  have  been 
justified  in  declining  to  do  so.  Just  so  with  Cum- 
mins. .  .  .  Mr.  Cummins  can  defeat  Dolliver  in 
the  legislature,  and  inside  of  a  year  and  a  half  it  will 
be  United  States  Senator  Cummins.  "468 

Before  the  meeting  of  the  next  General  Assembly 
in  1902,  however,  the  wheel  of  politics  had  turned 
and  Albert  B.  Cummins  had  been  elected  Governor 
of  Iowa.  As  a  result  the  promised  contest  for  the 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911          247 

Gear  succession  in  the  Senate  did  not  materialize. 
There  was  virtually  no  objection  to  the  election  of 
Jonathan  P.  Dolliver.  Moreover,  in  1902  the  legisla- 
ture was  once  more  called  upon  to  choose  a  successor 
to  William  B.  Allison,  whose  fifth  term  was  about  to 
expire.  In  this  case,  also,  there  was  unanimity  of 
feeling  which  precluded  any  opposition  to  the  return 
of  the  veteran  Senator  to  his  seat  at  Washington. 
Indeed,  so  great  was  the  pride  of  the  people  of  Iowa 
in  the  influence  which  William  B.  Allison  exerted  in 
National  affairs  that  it  was  even  proposed,  with 
much  prospect  of  success,  that  the  crowning  touch 
be  given  to  Allison's  long  career  by  a  unanimous 
non-partisan  reelection  to  the  Senate.469 

The  Eepublican  caucus  of  members  of  the  legisla- 
ture was  held  on  the  evening  of  January  14,  1902, 
and  William  B.  Allison  and  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver 
were  nominated  by  acclamation  —  the  former  for 
the  full  term  as  his  own  successor,  and  the  latter  for 
the  remainder  of  the  Gear  term.470  Eight  days  later 
the  result  received  official  confirmation  by  the  legis- 
lature, both  men  receiving  one  hundred  and  nineteen 
votes.  E.  H.  Thayer  received  twenty  Democratic 
votes  for  the  long  term,  and  John  J.  Seerley  was 
complimented  in  a  similar  manner  for  the  Gear  suc- 
cession.471 

THE  ELECTION  OF  DOLLIVEK  IN  1907 

On  account  of  the  change  in  the  years  in  which  the 
General  Assembly  held  its  session,  occasioned  by  the 
biennial  election  law,  five  years  now  elapsed  before 


248         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

another  senatorial  election  was  held  in  Iowa.  In 
March,  1907,  Senator  Dolliver 's  term  would  expire 
and  therefore  the  General  Assembly  which  convened 
in  January  of  that  year  was  obliged  to  fill  the  posi- 
tion thus  to  be  left  vacant.  The  contest,  which 
preceded  the  election,  hardly  deserves  the  name. 
Senator  Dolliver  had  given  general  satisfaction  and 
so  there  was  but  little  opposition  to  his  return.  Late 
in  November  there  were  hints  that  an  effort  was 
being  made  to  supplant  Dolliver  by  Cummins,  and 
that  Leslie  M.  Shaw  was  looking  toward  taking  Al- 
lison's place.  This  scheme  was  said  to  be  a  plan  of 
the  Standpatters  to  get  revenge  on  Dolliver  and  at 
the  same  time  to  get  Cummins  out  of  Iowa.472  But 
it  was  asserted  that  Governor  Cummins  would  not 
be  a  party  to  any  such  scheme,  which  assertion  was 
verified  by  the  Governor's  personal  denial  of  his 
candidacy  two  months  later.473  x 

With  the  refusal  of  Governor  Cummins  to  enter 
the  field  the  opposition  to  Dolliver  subsided,  and  in 
the  legislative  caucus  on  Monday  night,  January  21, 
1907,  he  was  nominated  by  acclamation  without  an 
opposing  candidate.474  The  Democratic  nominee 
was  Claude  E.  Porter,  who  received  a  total  of  forty- 
five  votes  in  the  official  ballots  in  the  two  houses  of 
the  legislature,  while  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver  was  vic- 
torious by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  ten.475 

THE  PEIMAKY  LAW 

It  was  shortly  before  this  election  that  a  move- 
ment which  had  long  been  growing  in  favor  of  the 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         249 

popular  election  of  United  States  Senators  received 
a  decided  impetus.  For  many  years  there  had  been 
occasional  suggestions  urging  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  whereby  Senators 
might  be  chosen  directly  by  the  people.  As  early  as 
1872  this  agitation  found  expression  in  a  resolution 
in  the  Iowa  Senate,  and  at  many  subsequent  sessions 
of  the  General  Assembly  there  were  similar  resolu- 
tions reflecting  the  desire  of  the  people  in  certain 
parts  of  the  State.476  The  climax  of  the  movement 
came  in  1906,  when,  in  response  to  a  suggestion  of 
Governor  Cummins  the  legislature  passed  a  joint 
resolution  authorizing  the  Governor  of  Iowa  to 
invite  the  Governors  of  the  various  States  to  send 
delegates  to  a  convention  to  be  held  at  Des  Moines 
or  elsewhere.  The  purpose  of  this  convention  was 
to  secure  "such  action  on  the  part  of  the  several 
states  as  will  result  in  a  constitutional  convention 
for  the  proposal  of  an  amendment  to  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States  providing  for  the  election  of 
United  States  senators  by  a  direct  vote."477 

In  pursuance  of  this  resolution  Governor  Cum- 
mins issued  invitations,  and  on  December  5,  1906, 
delegates  from  sixteen  States  assembled  in  conven- 
tion at  Des  Moines  for  a  session  of  two  days.  The 
Governors  of  many  other  States  wrote  letters  ex- 
pressing their  hearty  approval  of  the  object  of  the 
gathering.  The  addresses  and  deliberations  of  this 
convention  aroused  widespread  interest  and  the  re- 
sult was  that  Congress  was  strongly  urged  to  submit 
the  proposed  amendment  to  a  vote  of  the  people.478 


250         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

It  was  perhaps  partly  in  response  to  the  senti- 
ment aroused  by  this  convention  that  the  primary 
election  law  enacted  by  the  legislature  in  1907  was 
made  to  include  United  States  Senators.479  It  is, 
moreover,  an  interesting  fact  that  since  the  adoption 
of  the  primary  nomination  plan  there  has  been  little 
agitation  in  Iowa  for  the  direct  election  of  United 
States  Senators. 

THE  ELECTION  OF  ALBEKT  B.  CUMMINS 

Scarcely  had  the  primary  law  been  adopted  when 
the  senatorial  question  again  became  a  topic  of  pop- 
ular interest.  At  the  primaries  in  June,  1908,  the 
people  would  have  their  first  opportunity  to  choose 
senatorial  candidates,  by  selecting  party  nominees 
for  successor  to  Senator  Allison.  It  early  became 
known  that  Governor  Cummins  would  be  a  candidate 
and  prospects  of  a  bitter  contest  between  his  friends 
and  those  of  Senator  Allison,  with  little  attention 
paid  to  other  aspirants,  soon  developed.  Moreover, 
the  campaign  which  was  waged  from  November, 
1907,  until  June,  1908,  is  unique  in  the  history  of 
Iowa  in  that  the  claims  of  the  rival  candidates  were 
brought  directly  before  the  people  in  a  long  series  of 
speeches  by  the  leaders  in  both  camps. 

The  campaign  for  Senator  Allison  was  opened  by 
Senator  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver  in  a  speech  at  Council 
Bluffs  on  November  25,  1907.  Thereafter  Senator 
Dolliver  was  the  principal  speaker  for  his  colleague, 
and  until  the  choice  of  the  people  had  been  recorded 
at  the  primaries  he  labored  incessantly  and  effective- 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911          251 

ly  in  behalf  of  Senator  Allison.  In  his  Council 
Bluffs  speech  Dolliver  declared  that  Governor  Curn- 
mins,  if  he  kept  his  word,  was  virtually  debarred 
from  entering  the  race  on  account  of  statements 
which  he  had  made  in  writing  in  1906  to  the  effect 
that  he  was  not  a  candidate  for  the  senatorship  to 
succeed  Allison.  These  statements,  he  declared,  had 
been  used  to  secure  Cummins  the  aid  of  Allison's 
friends  in  the  gubernatorial  contest.480 

This  declaration  on  the  part  of  Senator  Dolliver 
introduced  into  the  campaign  its  most  sensational 
element.  The  Cummins  supporters  immediately  de- 
nied the  assertion  and  demanded  that  Dolliver  pro- 
duce his  proof.  In  response  to  this  demand  he 
published  the  famous  "Torbert  Letter ",  which  as 
printed  in  the  newspapers  reads  as  follows : 

Dubuque,  la.,  Dec.  11,  1907. 
Hon.  J.  P.  DOLLIVER,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Senator:  I  have  received  your  letter  of  Dec.  9. 
For  many  years  I  have  been  an  admirer  and  warm  sup- 
porter of  Governor  Cummins  in  all  his  campaigns.  On 
Oct.  19,  1905,  he  was  in  Dubuque  and  his  candidacy  for 
renomination  and  re-election  as  governor  became  the  sub- 
ject of  a  conversation  between  us.  Suggestions  had  been 
frequent  that  he  was  an  aspirant  for  Senator  Allison's 
place  in  the  senate  and  that  his  renomination  and  re-election 
as  governor  would  only  strengthen  him  for  the  contest  with 
Senator  Allison.  These  intimations  were  not  only  a  hin- 
drance in  my  work  for  the  governor,  but  I  felt  that  I  could 
not  properly  do  anything  injurious  to  Senator  Allison  and 
so  on  that  occasion  I  mentioned  to  him  that  these  sugges- 
tions were  being  made  and  he  told  me  positively  that  so 


252         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

long  as  Senator  Allison  desired  to  be  senator  from  Iowa,  he, 
Cummins,  would  be  his  (Allison's)  friend  and  supporter. 
I  carried  this  assurance  to  a  number  of  Senator  Allison's 
friends  who  I  thought  might  be  induced  to  support  Mr. 
Cummins  in  his  candidacy  for  the  governorship. 

Their  responses  were  somewhat  skeptical  and  gave  me 
the  idea  that  it  would  be  of  advantage  to  Governor  Cummins 
to  give  me  a  written  statement  on  this  subject  which  I  might 
show  to  Senator  Allison 's  friends  and  thus  assure  them  of  the 
governor's  position  as  he  had  verbally  stated  it  to  me.  Ac- 
cordingly in  the  spring  of  1906  I  had  some  correspondence 
on  this  subject  with  both  Governor  Cummins  and  Mr.  F.  R. 
Conaway,  who  in  the  governor's  frequent  absence  from  Des 
Moines  on  his  campaign  work  was  looking  after  the  govern- 
or's political  interests.  My  last  letter  on  this  subject  being 
to  Mr.  Conaway  on  April  18,  in  which  I  wrote  as  follows : 

"As  I  wrote  you  yesterday,  I  think  certainly  nothing 
would  help  the  governor  more  in  Dubuque  and  the  Third 
district  than  making  some  denial  that  Governor  Cummins 
wanted  Senator  Allison's  seat  in  the  senate." 

The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  Governor  Cummins' 
reply  to  my  suggestion : 

"I  note  what  you  say  in  regard  to  Senator  Allison.  I 
am  not  a  candidate  for  Senator  Allison's  place  nor  have  I 
ever  suggested  the  thing  to  mortal  man.  It  is  simply  abom- 
inable the  way  my  enemies  lie  about  me.  I  am  a  candidate 
for  governor,  nothing  else.  It  would  be  just  as  appropriate 
for  me  to  deny  that  I  was  a  candidate  for  president  of  the 
United  States  or  for  the  appointment  to  some  vacancy  on 
the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  as  to  deny  a  can- 
didacy against  Senator  Allison.  It  is  unmitigated  rot  and 
should  not  deceive  any  man.  With  sincere  regards, 
I  am  yours  very  truly, 

(Signed)  ALBERT  B.  CUMMINS. "481 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         253 

Naturally,  each  side  in  the  contest  interpreted  the 
Torbert  letter  in  its  own  way.  The  friends  of  Al- 
lison declared  that  it,  together  with  the  Governor's 
verbal  statement,  was  a  bona  fide  promise  not  to  be 
a  candidate  for  the  senatorship  against  Allison,  and 
that  it  was  therefore  an  act  of  bad  faith  to  enter  the 
race  at  this  time.  On  the  other  hand,  Governor 
Cummins  in  the  formal  announcement  of  his  can- 
didacy on  December  15,  1907,  emphatically  denied 
that  he  had  ever  promised  Willard  H.  Torbert  that 
he  would  not  be  a  candidate  against  Allison.  He  was 
not,  he  said,  a  candidate  for  the  Senate  in  1906  when 
the  letter  was  written,  but  it  was  absurd  to  imagine 
that  he  would  agree  never  to  enter  the  race  for 
Allison's  place.  He  was  perfectly  willing  to  leave 
the  question  to  the  decision  of  the  people.482  More- 
over, a  leading  pro-Cummins  editor  called  attention 
to  the  fact  that  even  had  the  alleged  agreement  been 
made  it  could  not  be  binding  upon  the  people  of  the 
State  of  Iowa.483 

The  general  features  of  the  long  and  somewhat 
heated  campaign  which  followed  are  well  known  — 
the  charges  that  were  made  back  and  forth  as  Gov- 
ernor Cummins,  Senator  Dolliver,  and  others  inter- 
ested in  the  success  of  the  rival  candidates  travelled 
over  the  State  speaking  at  all  the  principal  cities  and 
towns  in  the  endeavor  to  secure  popular  support. 
The  age  and  comparative  feebleness  of  Senator 
Allison  was  a  favorite  point  of  attack  by  the  Cum- 
mins supporters;  while  the  Governor  was  charged 
with  unscrupulous  ambition  by  his  opponents.  The 


254         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

views  of  both  candidates  on  the  public  questions  of 
the  day  were  examined  in  the  minutest  detail.  The 
newspapers  were  literally  flooded  with  articles  and 
comments  on  the  senatorial  situation;  and  the  con- 
test was  the  subject  of  general  conversation. 

As  June  2nd,  the  date  of  the  primaries,  ap- 
proached each  side  claimed  the  victory.  But  when 
the  ballots  had  been  cast  and  counted  it  was  found 
that  William  B.  Allison  was  the  choice  of  the  Bepub- 
lican  voters  by  a  majority  of  ten  thousand  six 
hundred  and  thirty-five  votes.  Claude  R.  Porter  re- 
ceived the  undivided  support  of  the  Democrats; 
while  Malcolm  Smith  and  John  M.  Work  were  the 
recipients  of  the  feeble  vote  of  the  Prohibitionists 
and  Socialists  respectively.484  Thus  it  appeared  set- 
tled that,  unless  the  Eepublicans  in  the  legislature 
failed  to  carry  out  the  expressed  wishes  of  their 
constituents,  Senator  Allison  would  be  returned 
once  more  to  the  United  States  Senate. 

But  for  the  second  time  within  the  decade  the 
decision  of  the  people  was  stayed  by  the  hand  of 
death.  On  August  4,  1908,  Senator  William  B. 
Allison  passed  away  at  his  home  in  Dubuque.  Al- 
though there  was  universal  sorrow  at  the  news  of  his 
death,  naturally  the  political  excitement  which  had 
been  stilled  by  the  primary  elections  almost  imme- 
diately rose  to  fever  heat.  The  friends  of  Governor 
Cummins,  while  regretting  the  manner  in  which  the 
opportunity  had  been  opened,  insisted  that  now 
there  was  no  reason  why  their  leader  should  not 
attain  the  position  to  which  he  had  so  long  aspired. 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911          255 

The  chief  subject  for  discussion  and  speculation 
now  was  the  course  which  Governor  Cummins  would 
pursue.  There  seemed  to  be  three  alternatives  from 
which  the  Governor  might  choose  and  still  remain  a 
candidate  for  the  senatorship.  He  might  make  a 
temporary  appointment  and  then  take  his  chances 
at  the  legislative  caucus  when  the  General  Assembly 
met  in  January,  1909.  Again,  he  might  immediately 
resign  from  the  governorship  with  the  understand- 
ing that  he  should  be  appointed  Senator  by  his 
successor.  Finally,  it  was  suggested  that  he  call  an 
extra  session  of  the  legislature  either  to  settle  the 
question  or  to  make  it  possible  for  the  Republicans 
again  to  express  their  choice  at  a  primary  election. 
The  latter  course  was  adopted,  and  on  August  25th 
Governor  Cummins  issued  a  proclamation  calling  the 
legislature  to  convene  in  extra  session  on  the  last 
day  of  the  same  month  to  consider  and  pass  an 
amendment  to  the  primary  election  law.485 

The  Thirty-second  General  Assembly,  therefore, 
met  in  extra  session  on  August  31, 1908.  After  some 
debate  an  amendment  to  the  primary  election  law 
was  adopted,  providing  that  if  "the  candidate  of  any 
party  for  the  office  of  senator  in  the  congress  of  the 
United  States  who  has  received  the  highest  number 
of  votes  in  his  party  at  any  primary  election  as  a 
candidate  for  such  office,  die,  resign  or  remove  from 
the  state  of  his  residence,  or  for  any  other  cause  a 
vacancy  in  such  candidacy  shall  occur  after  such 
primary  is  held  and  before  thirty  days  prior  to  the 
day  of  the  general  election  in  November  next  follow- 


256         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

ing,  a  new  primary  election  shall  be  held  by  the 
members  of  such  party  on  the  day  of  such  general 
election  for  the  purpose  of  again  nominating  and 
expressing  their  choice  for  a  candidate  for  said 
office  ".486 

This  amendment,  however,  applied  only  to  the 
nomination  of  a  candidate  for  the  full  term  beginning 
in  March,  1909.  The  General  Assembly  therefore 
undertook  to  elect  someone  to  fill  out  Allison's  un- 
expired  term.  A  Eepublican  caucus  was  called  for 
the  evening  of  September  4th,  but  only  the  members 
of  the  so-called  Progressive  wing  of  the  party,  which 
favored  Cummins  for  the  senatorship,  were  pres- 
ent.487 The  absence  of  the  standpat  legislators  was 
taken  as  an  indication  that  they  would  bolt  the 
caucus  nomination,  and  this  proved  to  be  the  case. 
The  Republican  caucus  nominated  Governor  Cum- 
mins, while  the  Democrats  chose  Claude  R.  Porter 
as  their  candidate.  On  September  8th  the  two 
houses  voted  separately  for  United  States  Senator 
and  on  the  following  day  met  in  joint  convention  for 
a  comparison  of  the  journals. 

Out  of  the  total  number  of  votes  cast  Cummins 
received  sixty-four  and  Porter  forty-five.  The  re- 
maining votes  were  distributed  among  the  following 
fourteen  men,  in  numbers  varying  from  one  to  six- 
teen: Walter  I.  Smith,  Joseph  R.  Lane,  Frank  D. 
Jackson,  William  Larrabee,  George  D.  Perkins, 
Warren  Garst,  A.  B.  Funk,  John  F.  Lacey,  W.  P. 
Hepburn,  George  W.  Clarke,  Gilbert  N.  Haugen, 
Albert  F.  Dawson,  James  H.  Trewin,  and  Andrew  J. 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         257 

Baker.  No  one  having  received  a  sufficient  number 
of  votes  to  elect,  the  joint  convention  took  two 
further  ballots  with  practically  the  same  result. 
The  name  of  George  M.  Curtis  was  added  to  the  list, 
but  on  the  other  hand  five  names  which  had  appeared 
on  the  first  ballot  were  dropped.488 

Realizing  the  futility  of  further  balloting  and  the 
fact  that  the  expense  of  the  extra  session  was  daily 
increased,  the  legislature  adjourned  to  meet  again 
on  November  24th,  after  the  result  of  the  primary 
vote  had  been  determined.  It  was  provided,  how- 
ever, that  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly 
should  receive  no  additional  compensation  or  mile- 
age for  reconvening  on  November  24th.489 

Thus,  the  senatorial  question  was  once  more 
transferred  to  the  public  arena.  The  contest  now 
lay  between  Albert  B.  Cummins,  the  leader  of  the 
Progressive  Eepublicans,  and  John  F.  Lacey,  the 
candidate  of  the  Standpatters.  Once  more  the  news- 
papers were  filled  with  discussions  of  the  situation 
and  the  people  listened  to  earnest  speeches  in  behalf 
of  the  two  candidates.  At  the  general  elections  on 
November  3rd  the  Eepublicans  expressed  their  pref- 
erences on  separate  blanks  prepared  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  when  the  votes  were  canvassed  it  was 
found  that  Cummins  was  victorious  by  the  over- 
whelming majority  of  over  forty- two  thousand.490 

Consequently  when  the  extra  session  of  the 
General  Assembly  reconvened  on  November  24th 
there  was  no  doubt  that  Governor  Cummins,  being 
the  choice  of  the  Republican  voters  of  the  State  for 

17 


258         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

the  long  term  in  the  Senate,  would  be  speedily  elect- 
ed to  fill  out  the  short  term  also.  The  joint  conven- 
tion re-assembled  and  a  ballot  was  taken,  which 
resulted  in  one  hundred  and  seven  votes  for  Albert 
B.  Cummins  and  thirty-five  for  Claude  E.  Porter.491 
The  last  act  in  this  political  drama  was  enacted  on 
January  20,  1909,  when  the  choice  expressed  at  the 
November  primaries  was  confirmed  by  the  Thirty- 
third  General  Assembly  and  Senator  Cummins  was 
elected  for  the  term  of  six  years  beginning  on  March 
4,  1909.492 

THE   ELECTION"    OF   WILLIAM   S.    KENYON 

In  the  ordinary  course  of  events  the  next  senato- 
rial election  would  not  have  come  until  the  session  of 
the  General  Assembly  in  1913,  with  the  contest  cen- 
tering about  the  primaries  in  June,  1912.  But  on 
October  16,  1910,  the  people  of  the  State  were 
shocked  by  the  unexpected  news  that  Senator  Jona- 
than P.  Dolliver  had  passed  away  at  his  home  in  Fort 
Dodge.  Nearly  three  years  of  the  term  for  which  he 
had  been  elected  still  remained,  and  the  filling  of  the 
vacancy  became  a  topic  of  great  interest.  The  name 
of  William  S.  Kenyon  of  Fort  Dodge  was  given  early 
prominence;  at  the  same  time  nearly  every  prom- 
inent Eepublican  leader  in  the  State  was  mentioned 
as  a  possibility.  Senator  Dolliver 's  death  occurred 
too  late  for  the  amendment  to  the  primary  law  to  be 
applicable,  and  thus  the  action  of  Governor  Carroll 
was  anxiously  awaited.  Finally,  on  November  12th 
he  appointed  Lafayette  Young,  Sr.  of  Des  Moines  to 


SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  1900-1911         259 

fill  the  vacancy  until  the  legislature  would  elect  a 
successor  to  Senator  Dolliver.493 

By  the  time  the  General  Assembly  convened  on 
January  9,  1911,  there  were  unmistakable  signs  of  a 
deadlock.  There  was  little  chance  of  an  immediate 
agreement  between  the  Progressive  and  Standpat 
wings  of  the  Republican  party.  And  it  was  evident 
that  neither  the  Progressives  nor  the  Standpatters 
nor  the  Democrats  could  elect  their  candidate,  pro- 
viding there  were  no  desertions  from  the  other  two 
camps.  The  basis  for  a  long  contest  was  apparent 
when  the  votes  cast  in  the  two  houses  separately 
were  canvassed  in  joint  convention  on  January  18th. 
Claude  R.  Porter,  the  Democratic  candidate,  stood 
in  the  lead  with  fifty  votes ;  while  the  Standpat  nom- 
inee, Lafayette  Young,  Sr.,  had  thirty-three.  The 
votes  of  the  Progressives  were  divided  between  A.  B. 
Funk,  H.  W.  Byers,  William  S.  Kenyon,  Warren 
Garst,  C.  H.  Wilson,  and  Guy  S.  Feely,  twenty-one 
and  twenty-two  votes  going  to  A.  B.  Funk  and 
William  S.  Kenyon  respectively.  Carl  F.  Franke, 
usually  classed  as  a  Standpatter,  received  two 
votes.494 

No  one  had  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast, 
and  hence  the  joint  convention  proceeded  to  ballot 
for  the  election  of  a  Senator,  but  without  success. 
As  is  well  known,  this  process  was  repeated  each  day 
of  the  session  until  the  last  day,  April  12th,  when  the 
long  deadlock  was  finally  broken.  The  Progressives 
gradually  centered  their  votes  on  William  S.  Ken- 
yon, although  there  were  occasional  dissenting  bal- 


260         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

lots.  The  support  of  the  Standpatters  remained  firm 
for  Lafayette  Young,  Sr.  until  February  15th,  when 
his  name  was  withdrawn  in  favor  of  Justice  Horace 
E.  Deemer,  who  hitherto  had  not  been  a  contest- 
ant.495 The  immediate  result  of  this  change  of  front 
was  an  increase  in  the  votes  given  to  Deemer  over 
the  number  received  by  Young.  But  the  hope  of  thus 
ending  the  struggle  soon  glimmered,  for  the  joint 
convention  assembled  day  after  day  at  the  hour  of 
noon  and  balloted  in  vain.  The  spirit  of  compromise 
and  concession  was  not  present.  Not  until  the  last 
day  of  the  session  had  arrived  and  the  sixty-seventh 
ballot  was  cast  did  the  deadlock  come  to  an  end.  On 
April  12th,  on  the  second  ballot  of  the  day,  William 
S.  Kenyon  received  eighty-five  votes  and  was  de- 
clared "duly  elected  as  United  States  Senator  in 
Congress  to  fill  the  vacancy  for  the  term  ending 
March  4, 1913. >'496 

This  contest  closes  the  history  of  the  election  of 
United  States  Senators  from  Iowa  for  a  period  of 
sixty-five  years  from  1846  to  1911.  The  first  and  the 
last  elections  were  accomplished  only  after  long 
deadlocks,  while  in  between  were  many  contests 
characterized  by  intense  rivalry  and  dramatic  in- 
cidents. Throughout  this  period  Iowa  has  been 
represented  in  the  United  States  Senate  by  men  of 
ability,  honesty,  and  faithfulness  to  their  constitu- 
ents. 


NOTES    AND    EEFEEENCES 


261 


NOTES  AND  KEFERENCES 

CHAPTER  I 

1  For  discussions  of  this  controversy  see  Shambaugh  's 
Maps  Illustrative  of  the  Boundary  History  of  Iowa  in  The 
Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  II,  pp.  372-376 ; 
and  Pelzer's  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  pp.  112-127. 

2  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  19,  October  21,  1846. 

3  The  Bloomington  Herald   (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No. 
25,  November  6,  1846. 

4  Senator   Jacob   Huner,    and    Representatives    Josiah 
Clifton  and  Reuben  Conlee. —  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol. 
I,  p.  238. 

6  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  22,  November  11,  1846. 

6  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  24,  November  25,  1846. 

7  Pelzer's  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  Chs.  IV- VIII. 

8  Letter  dated   October  4,   1846. —  Correspondence   of 
Laurel  Summers,  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

9  Quoted  from  the  Iowa  Capital  Reporter  in  The  Bloom- 
ington Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No.  27,  November  20, 
1846. 

10  The  Bloomington  Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No. 
27,  November  20,  1846. 

263 


264         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

11  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  24,  November  25,  1846. 

12  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  25,  December  2,  1846. 

13  See  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  238. 

A  diligent  search  has  failed  to  produce  any  information 
concerning  Jonathan  McCarty,  except  that  he  was  a  resident 
of  Lee  County. —  See  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  238. 

Gilbert  C.  R.  Mitchell  was  one  of  the  early  settlers  of 
Davenport,  where  he  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law.  In 
1843  he  was  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  the  Legislative 
Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Iowa  and  in  1846  received  the 
nomination  for  Congressman  from  the  new  State,  but  was 
defeated.  He  later  became  mayor  of  the  city  of  Davenport 
and  in  1857  was  elected  Judge  of  the  Fourteenth  Judicial 
District.  He  remained  a  Whig  until  that  party  began  to 
take  on  Free  Soil  ideas,  when  he  transferred  his  allegiance 
to  the  Democrats. —  Annals  of  Ioway  (1st  Series),  Vol.  II, 
pp.  262,  263. 

Judge  Thomas  S.  Wilson,  of  Dubuque,  was  a  prominent 
figure  in  early  Iowa,  having  been  one  of  the  three  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  during  the  Territorial  period.  He 
continued  to  play  a  prominent  part  in  State  politics  for 
many  years  as  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  narrative. 

For  a  full  account  of  the  life  of  Augustus  C.  Dodge  see 
Pelzer's  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  in  the  Iowa  Biographical 
Series. 

14  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  40,  41. 

15  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1846-1847,  p.  33. 

16  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  26,  December  9,  1846. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  265 

17  The  Bloomington  Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No. 

30,  December  11,  1846. 

18  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  54,  55.    King  submitted  a  number  of  papers  in  support 
of   his   assertions.      For   an   excellent    discussion   of   this 
bribery  case  see  Miss  Martin's  A  Bribery  Episode  in  the 
First  Election  of  United  States  Senators  in  Iowa  in  The 
Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  VII,  p.  483. 

19  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  56,  57. 

The  investigating  committee  which  was  later  increased 
to  seven  members,  held  several  sessions,  took  the  testimony 
of  a  number  of  persons,  and  reported  without  recommenda- 
tion on  February  4,  1847.  On  the  day  of  adjournment  a 
resolution  was  adopted  administering  a  public  reprimand 
to  Samuel  T.  Marshall  for  contempt  of  the  House  in  offer- 
ing a  bribe  to  one  of  its  members. —  See  Journal  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847,  pp.  236,  425,  437-472. 

20  The  Bloomington  Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No. 

31,  December  18,  1846. 

21  William  Patterson  was  the  father-in-law  of  Samuel 
T.  Marshall  who  was  accused  of  the  attempt  to  bribe  Nelson 
King. —  The  Bloomington  Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No. 
31,  December  18,  1846. 

22  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
p.  472.    See  also  pp.  461-470. 

23  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1846-1847,  pp.  41,  43,  45 ;  and 
Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847,  pp. 
67-69,  75. 

24  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  27,  December  16,  1846. 


266         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

25  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1846-1847,  p.  45. 

26  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  83-85. 

27  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1846-1847,  pp.  55,  56. 

28  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  92,  93. 

29  The  full  text  of  the  resolution  as  given  in  the  Journal 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847,  p.  92,  is  as 
follows : 

Kesolved,  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  That 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Eepresentatives  of  said  State,  meet  together 
in  the  hall  of  said  House  on  Friday,  the  18th  instant,  at  half  past 
eleven,  A.  M.  of  said  day,  and  proceed  and  elect  two  Senators  to  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States;  and  that  the  manner  in  which  said 
election  shall  be  conducted  shall  be  as  follows,  to  wit:  The  names 
of  the  members  voting  in  joint  election,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  called 
alphabetically,  and  upon  the  call  of  each  member's  name,  he  shall 
vote  for  one  person  for  the  office  of  United  States  Senator;  and  the 
clerks  or  tellers,  as  the  case  may  be,  shall  note  down  opposite  to  each 
member's  name,  as  he  votes,  the  name  of  the  person  for  whom  he 
votes.  And  after  all  of  the  names  of  the  members  of  the  General  As- 
sembly shall  have  been  called  over,  the  clerks  or  tellers,  as  the  case 
may  be,  shall  count  the  number  of  votes  given  for  each  and  every 
person  voted  for,  and  the  person  having  a  majority  of  all  the  votes 
given  for  Senator,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  declared  to  have  been  duly 
elected. 

Sec.  2.  And  thereupon,  the  said  General  Assembly,  in  joint  con- 
vention, as  aforesaid,  shall  proceed  to  elect  another  Senator,  in  the 
manner  aforesaid. 

30  See  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  238. 

31  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1846-1847,  pp.  57,  58 ;  and 
Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847,  p.  95. 

32  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  95,  96. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  267 

33  The  Iowa  Standard  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No.  28,  De- 
cember 23,  1846. 

34  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
pp.  98,  99. 

35  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  28,  December  23,  1846. 

36  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  28,  December  23,  1846. 

The  Whigs  had  some  basis  for  their  complaint,  for  a  no 
less  prominent  Democrat  than  ex-Governor  James  Clarke, 
in  writing  to  Laurel  Summers  on  December  29,  1846,  made 
the  following  statement : 

My  motto  is  Better  be  not  represented  at  all  than  misrepresented; 
and  if  two  democrats  cannot  be  elected  I  would  take  the  responsi- 
bility of  holding  off.  ...  I  fear,  however,  that  the  members  will 
not  all  be  found  possessed  of  sufficient  nerve  to  carry  out  this  policy, 
and  therefore  shall  not  be  surprised  at  any  result  which  may  take 
place. 

—  Correspondence  of  Laurel  Summers,  Historical  De- 
partment, Des  Moines. 

37  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  239. 

38  Letter  from  Bernhardt  Henn  to  George  W.  Jones, 
dated  January  17,  1847. —  Correspondence  of  George  W. 
Jones,  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

39  Letter  dated  December  29,  1846. —  Correspondence  of 
Laurel  Summers,  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

40  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1846-1847,  p.  67. 

41  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
p.  110. 

42  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I, 
No.  30,  January  13,  1847. 


268         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

43  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1846-1847, 
p.  415. 

44  The  Bloomington  Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No. 
41,  February  26,  1847. 

45  Quoted  from  the  Lee  County  Democrat  in  The  Iowa 
Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  I,  No.  34,  February 
10,  1847. 

46  Laws  of  Iowa,  1846-1847,  pp.  92-94. 

47  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  II, 
No.  14,  November  24,  1847. 

48  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  II, 
No.  14,  November  24,  1847. 

49  The  Bloomington  Herald  (New  Series),  Vol.  II,  No. 
81,  December  4,  1847. 

The  "Old  Red"  here  spoken  of  was  probably  Thomas 
Hart  Benton,  Jr.,  or  possibly  James  M.  Morgan. 

50  Shambaugh  's  Messages  and  Proclamations  of  the  Gov- 
ernors of  Iowa,  Vol.  I,  p.  418. 

51  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  II, 
No.  17,  December  15,  1847. 

52  The  Iowa  Standard  (Iowa  City),  New  Series,  Vol.  II, 
No.  15,  December  1,  1847. 

53  Keokuk  Register,  Vol.  I,  No.  34,  January  13,  1848. 

54  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1848  (extra 
session),  p.  12. 

55  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1848   (extra  session),  pp.  7, 
13,  14. 

It  seems  that  James  Davis  had  removed  from  Wapello 
to  Keokuk  and  had  accepted  the  position  of  United  States 
Deputy  Surveyor.  Thomas  Baker  had  been  elected  and  was 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  269 

serving  as  Prosecuting  Attorney  in  Polk  County;  while 
John  M.  Whitaker  had  been  appointed  Agent  of  the  Treas- 
ury Department,  to  make  selections  for  school  lands,  though 
it  was  not  proved  that  he  received  any  compensation. — 
Keokuk  Register,  Vol.  I,  No.  37,  February  3,  1848;  and 
Journal  of  the  Senate,  1848  (extra  session),  p.  56. 

56  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1848  (extra 
session),  p.  159. 

57  For  reports  of  committees  and  protests  see  Journal  of 
the  Senate,  1848  (extra  session),  pp.  25,  34,  39,  56,  70. 

58  Keokuk  Register,  Vol.  I,  No.  37,  February  3,  1848. 

59  Weekly  Miners'  Express  (Dubuque),  Vol.  VII,  No. 
22,  February  9,  1848. 

G0  Keokuk  Register,  Vol.  I,  No.  37,  February  3,  1848. 

61  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Bloomington),  Vol.  I,  No. 
16,  October  28,  1848. 

62  Letter  dated  October  2,   1848. —  Correspondence  of 
Gideon  S.  Bailey,  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

For  an  account  of  Dodge 's  activities  during  the  months 
preceding  the  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  see  Pelzer's 
Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  pp.  134,  135. 

63  From  an  account  of  the  caucus  by  its  secretary,  Ly- 
sander  W.  Babbitt,  in  Annals  of  Iowa  (1st  Series),  Vol.  IX, 
No.  4,  October,  1871,  pp.  654-656.     For  a  biography  and 
autobiography  of  Senator  Jones  see  Parish's  George  Wal- 
lace Jones  in  the  Iowa  Biographical  Series. 

64  Article  on  The  First  Democratic  Legislative  Caucus  in 
the  State  of  Iowa,  by  L.  W.  Babbitt,  in  Annals  of  Iowa  (1st 
Series),  Vol.  X,  No.  2,  April,  1872,  pp.  125-127. 

65  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1848-1849, 
pp.  28-32,  35. 


270         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

66  Congressional  Globe,  2nd  Session,  30th  Congress,  p. 
97. 

67  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1848-1849, 
pp.  377,  378.     The  joint  convention  was  held  on  January 
10,  1849. 

68  Pelzer's  Augustus  Caesar  Dodge,  p.  137. 

CHAPTER  II 

69  Fairfield  Ledger,  Vol.  II,  No.  50,  November  25,  1852. 

70  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  148,  No- 
vember 30,  1852. 

71  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  151,  De- 
cember 3,  1852. 

72  See  the  files  of  the  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph  for 
the  latter  part  of  November,  1852. 

73  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  V,  No. 

22,  December  4,  1852. 

74  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  153,  De- 
cember 6,  1852. 

75  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  151,  De- 
cember 3,  1852. 

76  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  155,  De- 
cember 8, 1852. 

77  Fairfield  Ledger,  Vol.  II,  No.  52,  December  9,  1852. 

78  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  V,  No. 

23,  December  11,  1852. 

Thomas  L.  Sargeant,  of  Des  Moines  County,  is  doubtless 
the  man  referred  to  as  "Gen.  Sargeant". 

79  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  V,  No. 
23,  December  11,  1852. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  271 

8°  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  164,  De- 
cember 18,  1852. 

81  Democratic  Banner  (Davenport),  Vol.  V,  No.  8,  De- 
cember 24,  1852.     The  vote  stood  as  follows:  Jones  30, 
Johnson  6,  Kinney  5,  Clark  5,  Grant  4,  Negus  4,  Thompson 
1,  Williams  1,  Carleton  1,  Hempstead  1,  Bates  1. 

82  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  V,  No. 
25,  December  25,  1852. 

83  Letter  dated  December  21,  1852. —  Correspondence  of 
George  W.  Jonesf  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

84  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1852-1853, 
pp.  89-91. 

85  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  V,  No. 
25,  December  25,  1852. 

86  Congressional  Globe,  2nd  session,  32nd  Congress,  pp. 
180,  256. 

87  Burlington  Daily  Telegraph,  Vol.  II,  No.  168,  De- 
cember 23,  1852. 

CHAPTER  III 

88  Rhodes 's  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
490,  491. 

89  For  a  discussion  of  this  campaign  see  Pelzer's  The 
History  and  Principles  of  the  Democratic  Party  of  Iowa 
1846-1857,  in  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics, 
Vol.  VI,  No.  2,  pp.  204-211. 

90  Fairfield  Ledger,  Vol.  IV,  No.  33,  August  3,  1854. 

91  Demoine  Courier  (Ottumwa),  Vol.  VI,  No.  31,  August 
17,  1854. 

92  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  p.  850. 


272         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

93  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  p.  856. 

94  Dubuque  Daily  Herald,  Vol.  IV,  No.  148,  October  10, 
1854. 

95  Dubuque  Daily  Herald,  Vol.  IV,  No.  153,  October  16, 
1854. 

96  From  a  statement  in  the  Keosauqua  Union,  reprinted 
in  the  Dubuque  Daily  Herald,  Vol.  IV,  No.  151  [157],  Fri- 
day, October  18  [20],  1854. 

97  Burlington  Tri-WeeUy  Hawk-Eye  (Third  Year),  Vol. 
I,  No.  6,  November  23, 1854. 

98  Letter  dated  November  14,  1854,  to  Dr.  Gideon  S. 
Bailey,  found  in  the  Bailey  collection  of  letters  in  the  His- 
torical Department,  Des  Moines. 

99  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  p.  852. 

100  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  pp.  852,  854. 

101  Daily  Express  and  Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol.  IV,  No. 

196,  December  5, 1854. 

102  Daily  Express  and  Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol.  IV,  No. 

197,  December  6,  1854. 

103  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  pp.  857,  858.    See  also  the  Burlington  Daily  Tele- 
graph, Vol.  V,  No.  151,   December  8,   1854.     The  name 
Shelladay  is  to  be  found  spelled  in  every  conceivable  man- 
ner, but  the  spelling  here  used  seems  to  have  been  most 
generally  employed. 

104  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  57,  58.    The  resolution  was  first  introduced  on  Decem- 
ber 9. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  273 

105  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  VII, 
No.  23,  December  14,  1854. 

106  Burlington   Tri-Weekly  Hawk-Eye    (Third   Year), 
Vol.  I,  No.  16,  December  16,  1854.    Also  Daily  Express  and 
Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol.  IV,  No.  208,  December  19,  1854. 

107  Daily  Express  and  Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol.  IV,  No. 
208,  December  19, 1854. 

108  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  42. 

109  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
p.  61. 

110  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  44.    There  are  a 
few  slight  differences  between  the  record  in  the  journals  of 
the  houses  in  the  matter  of  the  spelling  and  arrangement  of 
names,  and  the  Journal  of  the  Senate  seems  the  more  satis- 
factory for  reference  at  this  particular  point. 

111  The  complete  vote  was  as  follows:  Augustus  Caesar 
Dodge  29,  Fitz  Henry  Warren  16,  Edward  Johnson  [John- 
stone]    11,  James  B.  Howell  9,  Ebenezer  Cook  7,  Jacob 
Butler  5,  Joseph  H.  D.  Street  5,  Stephen  B.  Shelladay  4, 
James  Harlan  4,   Thomas  H.  Benton,  Jr.   3,   George  G. 
Wright  3,  E.  W.  Eastman  1,  Joseph  Williams  1,  and  J.  C. 
HaU  I.— Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  pp.  44,  45. 

It  should  be  noted  that  J.  C.  Hall  received  one  vote 
although  he  had  not  been  nominated,  and  that  although 
Thomas  W.  Claggett  had  been  nominated  he  received  no 
votes. 

112  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  pp.  45-48.     The 
second  vote  stood  as  follows :  A.  C.  Dodge  29,  F.  H.  Warren 
18,  Edward  Johnson  [Johnstone]  14,  James  Harlan  12,  J. 
B.  Howell  9,  Ebenezer  Cook  8,  J.  H.  D.  Street  5,  S.  B. 
Shelladay  2,  E.  W.  Eastman  1. 

18 


274         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

113  Letter  from  Samuel  McFarland  to  James  Harlan, 
dated  December  14,  1854. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

1 14  The  ballots  were  as  follows : 

First  ballot.—  Warren  17,  Harlan  13,  Street  1,  Cook  2, 
Howell  11. 

Second  ballot. —  Warren  18,  Harlan  17,  Cook  2,  How- 
ell  8. 

Third  ballot.— Warren  18,  Harlan  19,  Cook  1,  Howell 
6,  Shelladay  1. 

Fourth  ballot.—  Warren  21,  Harlan  18,  Howell  6. 

Fifth  ballot.— Warren  21,  Harlan  23. 

Sixth  ballot.— Warren  18,  Harlan  27. 

Seventh  ballot.— Warren  16,  Harlan  29. 

—  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  p.  876. 

115  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan,  pp.  859,  860. 

116  See  the  Daily  Express  and  Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol. 
IV,  No.  208,  December  19,  1854. 

117  Stiles 's  General  Fitz  Henry  Warren  in  Annals  of 
Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  VI,  No.  7,  pp.  486,  487. 

118  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  49. 

119  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  49. 

120  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  VII, 
No.  24,  December  21,  1854. 

121  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  50. 

122  Letter  from  Samuel  McFarland  to  James  Harlan, 
dated  December  14,  1854. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  275 

123  Daily  Express  and  Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol.  IV,  No. 
211,  December  22,  1854.    "Wooly"  was  a  term  applied  to 
the  Anti-Nebraska  men,  because  of  their  leaning  toward 
abolitionism. 

124  Letters  from  J.  J.  Matthews  and  Daniel  Anderson, 
dated  December  14,  1854. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

125  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

126  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

127  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

Harlan 's  reply  reads  as  follows: 

Iowa  City  Dec  20th.  1854 
Gentlemen : 

Yours  of  the  14th  inst.  informing  me  of  the  adjournment  of  the 
Convention  of  the  two  houses  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State 
of  Iowa  to  enable  members  to  become  acquainted  with  the  views  of 
gentlemen  whose  names  had  been  presented  as  candidates  for  the 
senate  of  the  U.  States,  and  propounding  a  list  of  interrogatories 
involving  grave  questions  of  Constitutional  Law,  of  Legislative  Ex- 
pediency, and  of  Conscience,  and  requesting  a  reply,  to  be  laid  before 
the  Convention  on  the  21st  inst.  has  been  received.  And  in  reply  I 
beg  leave  to  say  that  if  elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
in  all  Constitutional  questions  that  might  arise,  I  would  expect  to  be 
guided  in  my  action  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  the 
well  settled  principles  of  Constitution  [al]  Law  —  in  all  questions  of 
Legislative  Expediency,  by  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  Legislature 
and  people  of  Iowa  —  and  in  all  questions  of  Conscience  by  the  Bible. 

128  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  102-108.    This  journal  is  more  satisfactory  at  this  point 
because  of  greater  detail. 

The  last  vote  was  as  follows:  Harlan  41,   Cook  18, 


276         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Claggett  13,  Henn  10,  Street  6,  Butler  3,  P.  Gad  Bryan  3, 
Dodge  2,  Lincoln  Clark  1,  Benjamin  M.  Samuels  1. 

129  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  109-111. 

130  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer  (Muscatine),  Vol.  VII, 
No.  24,  December  21  [28],  1854. 

^Burlington  Tri-Weekly  Hawk-Eye  (Third  Year), 
Vol.  I,  No.  23,  January  2,  1855. 

132  Burlington   Tri-Weekly   Hawk-Eye    (Third  Year), 
Vol.  I,  No.  23,  January  2,  1855. 

133  Letter  from  James  W.   Grimes  to  George  Frazee, 
dated  January  6,  1855. —  Printed  in  the  Annals  of  Iowa 
(Third  Series),  Vol.  VII,  No.  3,  p.  235. 

134  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  151-156. 

The  votes  at  this  session  were : 

Sixth  vote. —  Harlan  46,  Cook  21,  Browning  17,  Bryan 
6,  Henn  4,  Wm.  McKay  1,  Benton  1,  Claggett  1. 

Seventh  vote. —  Harlan  47,  Cook  29,  Browning  19,  John 
G.  Shields  2,  McKay  1,  Thompson  1. 

Eighth  vote. —  Harlan  47,  Browning  35,  Cook  14,  0.  D. 
Tisdale  1,  Benton  1,  McKay  1. 

There  are  a  few  discrepancies  between  the  two  journals. 
The  Senate  Journal  gives  Cook  twenty-two  on  the  sixth 
vote,  and  includes  the  name  of  Richard  Bonson  as  having 
received  one.  On  the  seventh  vote  the  name  of  "W.  A. 
Thurston  is  given  instead  of  that  of  Thompson  given  in  the 
House  Journal.  Which  record  is  correct  is  not  known. — 
See  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  106. 

135  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  163-178. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  277 

136  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  p.  116. 

137  Letter  from  James  W.  Grimes  to  some  person  not 
designated,  dated  January  7,  1855. —  Printed  in  Salter's 
The  Life  of  James  W.  Grimes,  p.  64. 

138  Iowa  Democratic  Enquirer   (Muscatine),  Vol.  VII, 
No.  27,  January  11,  1855. 

This  account  is  doubtless  somewhat  exaggerated,  but  the 
facts  are  correct,  and  it  is  not  more  extravagant  than  de- 
scriptions printed  in  other  newspapers  of  the  day. 

139  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  184-188.     See  also  Burlington  Tri-Weekly  Hawk-Eye 
(Third  Year),  Vol.  I,  No.  27,  January  11,  1855. 

The  final  vote  was  as  follows:  James  Harlan  52,  Bern- 
hart  Henn  2,  William  McKay  1,  James  Grant  1. 

140  Laws  of  Iowa,  1846-1847,  p.  92. 

141  The  question  of  the  legality  of  the  election  will  re- 
ceive more  adequate  discussion  later  in  dealing  with  the 
contest  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

142  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1854-1855, 
pp.  188-190,  208-211 ;  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1854-1855,  pp. 
122, 129. 

143  Daily  Express  and  Herald  (Dubuque),  Vol.  IV,  No. 
227,  January  11,  1855. 

144  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  34th  Congress,  p.  2. 

CHAPTER  IV 

145  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

146  Letter  from  James  W.  Grimes,  dated  November  17, 
1855. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 


278         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

147  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  34th  Congress,  p.  2. 

148  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

149  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  34th  Congress,  p. 
2079. 

150  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  34th  Congress,  p. 
2098. 

151  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 
2129,  2130. 

152  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  34th  Congress,  p. 
2130;   and  Autobiographical  Manuscript   and  Papers  of 
James  Harlan. 

153  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

154  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 
112-115. 

155  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 
115-117. 

156  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  p. 
221. 

157  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  p. 
238. 

168  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 

238,  239. 

159  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 

239,  240. 

160  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 
240-244. 

161  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  pp. 
244-246,  248-257,  260-270,  287-299. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  279 

162  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Congress,  p. 
299. 

163  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

164  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

165  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1856-1857, 
pp.  360-362. 

166  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

167  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan;  also  Congressional  Globe,  3rd  Session,  34th  Con- 
gress, p.  499. 

CHAPTER  V 

168  The  Dubuque  Daily  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  79,  September 

14,  1857. 

169  The  Dubuque  Daily  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  82,  September 
17,  1857. 

170  Davenport  Weekly  Gazette,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  7,  Octo- 
ber 10  [15],  1857. 

171  Davenport  Weekly  Gazette,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  6,  Octo- 
ber 8, 1857. 

172  The  Dubuque  Daily  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  80,  September 

15,  1857. 

173  Quoted  from  the  Chicago  Tribune  in  The  Weekly 
Ottumwa  Courier  (New  Series),  Vol.  II,  No.  45,  November 
5,  1857. 

174  See  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  52,  53,  for  a 
sketch  of  the  life  of  William  Penn  Clarke. 


280         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

175  See  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  263,  264,  for 
a  sketch  of  the  life  of  James  Thorington. 

lie  Frederick  E.  Bissell  came  to  Dubuque  in  1845,  and 
for  some  time  he  studied  law  in  the  office  of  James  Craw- 
ford and  taught  school.  He  was  at  different  times  the  law 
partner  of  Timothy  Davis  and  Lincoln  Clark.  At  the  time 
of  his  candidacy  for  the  senatorship  he  was  senior  partner 
of  the  firm  of  Bissell,  Mills  &  Shiras,  "a  firm  probably 
doing  the  largest  law  business  in  Northern  Iowa."  He  was 
also  President  of  the  Dubuque,  St.  Peters  and  St.  Paul  Rail- 
road, and  a  stockholder  in  various  harbor  and  improvement 
companies. —  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  22, 
November  25,  1857. 

177  Daily  Iowa  State  Gazette  (Burlington),  Vol.  Ill,  No. 
113,  November  11,  1857. 

178  Letter  from  Will  Spicer,  dated  November  12,  1857.— 
Correspondence  of  William  Penn  Clarke,  Vol.  II,  No.  90, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

179  Letter  from  J.  W.  Cattell,  dated  December  6,  1857.— 
Correspondence  of  William  Penn  Clarke,  Vol.  II,  No.  81, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

180  Letter  from  M.  W.  Farner,  dated  December  10,  1857. 
—  Correspondence  of  William  Penn  Clarke,  Vol.  II,  No.  79, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

181  Letter  dated  October  23,  1857.—  Autobiographical 
Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

182  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

183  Daily  Iowa  State  Gazette  (Burlington),  Vol.  Ill,  No. 
121,  November  20, 1857. 

184  Letter  from  M.  W.  Farner  to  William  Penn  Clarke, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  281 

dated  December  10,  1857. —  Correspondence  of  William 
Penn  Clarke,  Vol.  II,  No.  79,  Historical  Department,  Des 
Moines. 

185  Letter  dated  December  16,  1857. —  Autobiographical 
Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

186  See  the  Iowa  State  Journal  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  I,  No. 
46,  December  26,  1857. 

187  Letter  dated  December  5,  1857. —  Autobiographical 
Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

188  Letter  from  A.  J.  Kynett,  dated  December  14,  1857. 

—  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James  Har- 
lan. 

189  Letter  dated  December  16,  1857. —  Autobiographical 
Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

190  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

191  Letter  from  James  Harlan,  dated  December  21,  1857. 

—  Correspondence  of  William  Penn  Clarke,  Vol.  II,  No.  77, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

192  See  letter  from  A.  J.  Kynett  to  James  Harlan,  dated 
December  14, 1857. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Pa- 
pers of  James  Harlan. 

193  Daily  Iowa  State  Gazette  (Burlington),  Vol.  Ill,  No. 
136,  December  9,  1857. 

194  The  Dubuque  Daily  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  84,  December 
19, 1857. 

195  Letter  dated  January  10,  1858. —  Autobiographical 
Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

196  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  29,  January 


282         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

13,  1858 ;  and  The  Fairfield  Ledger,  Vol.  VIII,  No.  2,  Janu- 
ary 14, 1858. 

197  The  Fairfield  Ledger,  Vol.  VIII,  No.  4,  January  28, 
1858. 

198  Hamilton  Freeman  (Webster  City),  Vol.  I,  No.  29, 
January  28,  1858. 

199  Daily  Iowa  State  Gazette  (Burlington),  Vol.  Ill,  No. 
180,  January  31, 1858 ;  also  Davenport  Weekly  Gazette,  Vol. 
XVII,  No.  23,  February  4,  1858. 

200  Letter  from  George  G.  Wright  to  James  Harlan, 
dated   January   25,   1858. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

201  Letter  from  James  W.  Grimes  to  Mrs.  Grimes,  dated 
January  25,  1858. —  Printed  in  Salter  's  The  Life  of  James 
W.  Grimes,  p.  113. 

202  Davenport  Weekly  Gazette,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  23,  Feb- 
ruary 4, 1858. 

203  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1858,  pp. 
130-134. 

204  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  I,  No.  32,  February 
10,  1858. 

CHAPTEE  VI 

205  See  letters  written  to  James  Harlan  by  John  Tees- 
dale,  James  W.  Grimes,  Elijah  Sells,  and  others  during 
July,  1859. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of 
James  Harlan. 

206  The  Home  Journal  (Mount  Pleasant),  Vol.  IV,  No. 
13,  September  29,  1859. 

207  Quoted  from  the  Keokuk  Gate  City  in  The  Weekly 
Hawk-Eye  (Burlington),  September  10,  1859. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  283 

208  Des  Moines  Valley  Whig  (Keokuk),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  5, 
September  26,  1859. 

209  Des  Moines  Valley  Whig  (Keokuk),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  5, 
September  26,  1859. 

210  The  Home  Journal  (Mount  Pleasant),  Vol.  IV,  No. 
13,  September  29,  1859. 

211  Des  Moines  Valley  Whig  (Keokuk),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  6, 
October  3,  1859. 

212  The  Home  Journal  (Mount  Pleasant),  Vol.  IV,  No. 
24,  December  15,  1859. 

213  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers  of  James 
Harlan. 

214  Letter  from  James  "W.   Grimes  to  James  Harlan, 
dated  November  4,   1859. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

215  Letter  from  Thomas  M.  Bowen  to  James  Harlan, 
dated  November  30,  1859. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

216  Letter  from  Thomas  Drummond  to  James  Harlan, 
dated  December  7,   1859. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

217  Letter  from  Thomas  Drummond  to  James  Harlan, 
dated  December  26,  1859. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

218  Letter  from  W.  C.  Drake  to  James  Harlan,  dated 
December   23,    1859. —  Autobiographical   Manuscript   and 
Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

219  Letter  from  Elijah  Sells  to  James  Harlan,  dated  No- 
vember 8,  1859. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript  and  Papers 
of  James  Harlan.     See  also  letters  from  Hawkins  Taylor 


284         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

and  Eliphalet  Price  to  James  Harlan,  dated  November  4, 
1859. 

220  See  letter  from  Thomas  Drummond  to  James  Har- 
lan,  dated  December  7,   1859. —  Autobiographical  Manu- 
script and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

221  Iowa  Weekly  Republican  (Iowa  City),  Vol.  X,  No. 
582,  January  18, 1860. 

222  Letter  from  Martin  L.   Morris  to   James   Harlan, 
dated   January   14,   1860. —  Autobiographical  Manuscript 
and  Papers  of  James  Harlan. 

223  Des  Moines  correspondence  to  the  Keosauqua  Repub- 
lican, Vol.  V,  No.  16,  January  28, 1860. 

224  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1860,  pp. 
79-81. 

CHAPTER  VII 

225  Letter  from  James  W.  Grimes  to  the  editor  of  the 
Linn  County  Register,  dated  May  2,  1863. —  Printed  in 
Salter's  The  Life  of  James  W.  Grimes,  p.  236. 

226  State  Press  (Iowa  City),  Vol.  Ill,  No.  41,  September 
12, 1863. 

227  Burlington  Weekly  Argus,  Vol.  II,  No.  19,  September 
24, 1863. 

228  See  letter  from  James  W.  Grimes  to  Mrs.  Grimes, 
dated  September  28, 1863.— Printed  in  Salter's  The  Life  of 
James  W.  Grimes,  p.  238. 

229  The  Home  Journal  (Mt.  Pleasant),  Vol.  VIII,  No.  31, 
January  30,  1864. 

230  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1864,  p.  66. 
See  also  The  Home  Journal  (Mt.  Pleasant),  Vol.  VIII,  No. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  285 

31,  January  30,  1864.     The  identity  of  the  Mr.  Love  who 
received  one  vote  is  not  known. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

231  Letter  from  William  M.  Stone  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
March  30,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

232  Letter  from  William  M.  Stone  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
June  2,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

233  Letter   from   Marcellus   M.    Crocker   to   Kirkwood, 
dated  June  23,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood, Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

234  Letter  from  James  Harlan  to  Kirkwood,  dated  July 
18,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  His- 
torical Department,  Des  Moines. 

235  Muscatine  Daily  Journal,  Vol.  XI,  No.  21,  September 
11,  1865. 

236  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  September  30,  and 
October  21, 1865. 

237  See  letter  from  James  W.  Grimes  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
January  7,  1866. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

238  Letter  from  James  W.  Grimes  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
September  27,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood, Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

239  Letter  from  William  B.  Lakin  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
November  10,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood, Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

240  Letter  from  Jacob  Rich  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Decem- 


286         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

her  14,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

241  Letter  from  W.  Reynolds  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Decem- 
ber 19, 1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  His- 
torical Department,  Des  Moines. 

242  Letters  from  Jacob  Rich  to  Kirkwood,  dated  De- 
cember 14  and  29,  1865. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood,  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

243  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  November  25,  1865. 
See  also  extracts  from  other  newspapers  printed  in  this 
issue. 

244  Muscatine  Daily  Journal,  Vol.  XI,  No.  125,  January 
3,  1866. 

245  Iowa  City  Republican,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  894,  January 
10,  1866. 

246  The  Weekly  Gate  City  (Keokuk),  Vol.  XX,  No.  21, 
January  9,  1866. 

247  Letter  from  H.  A.  Wiltse  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Janu- 
ary 13,   1866. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

248  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  January  20,  1866. 

249  The  ballots  for  the  long  term  were  as  follows : 
First  ballot. —  James  Harlan  50,  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood 

44,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard  17,  William  Vandever  4,  George  G. 
Wright  1. 

Second  ballot. —  Harlan  57,  Kirkwood  46,  Hubbard  14. 

Third  ballot. —  Harlan  63,  Kirkwood  42,  Hubbard  12. 

The  ballot  for  the  short  term  was  as  follows :  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood  80,  Enoch  W.  Eastman  7,  William  Vandever  9, 
Fitz  Henry  Warren  16,  George  G.  Wright  1,  James  Harlan 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  287 

2,   Grenville  M.   Dodge   1. —  Iowa  City  Republican,  Vol. 
XVII,  No.  895,  January  17,  1866. 

250  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1866,  pp. 
64-66. 

25ilowa  City  Republican,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  895,  January 
17,  1866. 

CHAPTER  IX 

252  Sailer's  The  Life  of  James  W.  Grimes,  pp.  367,  371, 
372.    Senator  Grimes  died  on  February  7,  1872. 

253  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV, 
No.  32,  September  22,  1869. 

254  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV, 
No.  41,  November  24,  1869. 

255  Quoted  from  the  Chicago  Tribune  in  the  Weekly  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  42,  December  1, 
1869.     The   correspondent  was  James   S.   Clarkson,  now 
living  in  New  York  City. 

256  The  Iowa  North  West  (Fort  Dodge),  Vol.  VI,  No.  8, 
January  20,  1870. 

257  The  Iowa  North  West  (Fort  Dodge),  Vol.  VI,  No.  8, 
January  20,  1870. 

258  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  VIII, 
No.  321,  January  14,  1870. 

The  ballots  for  the  short  term  were  as  follows : 
Informal  ballot.—  J.  B.  Grinnell  39,  J.  B.  Howell  38, 
William  Vandever  24,  D.  N.  Cooley  6,  John  Scott  8,  John 
A.  Kasson  2,  D.  P.  Stubbs  4,  Thomas  Ballinger  1,  Joel 
Brown  2,  Samuel  Merrill  1,  Joel  Smith  1,  blank  1. 

First  ballot.— Howell  56,   Grinnell  39,  Vandever  19, 
Scott  11,  Brown  2,  Cooley  1. 


288         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Second  ballot.—  Howell  60,  Grinnell  42,  Scott  14,  Van- 
dever  3. 

Third  ballot.—  Howell  70,  Grinnell  41,  Scott  12,  Van- 
dever  3. 

259  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV, 
No.  49,  January  19,  1870. 

260  Act  of  July  25,  1866.—  United  States  Statutes  at 
Large,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  243. 

261  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1870,  pp. 
80,  81 ;  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1870,  pp.  39,  40. 

262  Journal  of  the  House  of{  Representatives,  1870,  pp. 
90,  91. 

CHAPTER  X 

263  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  28,  1871. 

264  This  letter  may  be  found  in  the  Burlington  Weekly 
Hawk-Eye,  July  6,  1871.    It  contained  nothing  more  than 
any  person  might  write  in  support  of  a  friend. 

265  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  July  6,  1871. 

2«6  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  27, 
July  5,  1871. 

267  Quotation  from  the  Fort  Dodge  Republican  in  the 
Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  July  27,  1871. 

268  The  "German  Address"  may  be  found  in  the  Bur- 
lington Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  July  6,  1871. 

269  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  August  3,  1871. 

270  Quotation  from  the  McGregor  News  in  the  Burling- 
ton Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  June  29,  1871. 

271  Quotation  from  the  Ottumwa  Courier  in  the  Burling- 
ton Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  July  6,  1871. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  289 

272  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
300,  December  29,  1871. 

273  jror  counter  charges  in  this  respect  see  the  Burling- 
ton Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  August  3,  1871 ;  and  The  Dubuque 
Weekly  Times,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  34,  August  23,  1871. 

274  See  quotations  from  other  newspapers  in  the  Daily 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  Nos.  182  and 
185,  August  9  and  12,  1871. 

275  Quotation  from  the  Marshall  County  Times  in  the 
Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No.  204, 
September  5,  1871. 

270  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
212,  September  13,  1871. 

277  For  instance  see  the  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye, 
September  28,  1871. 

278  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
230,  October  4, 1871. 

279  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  40, 
October  4,  1871. 

280  Quotation  from  The  Washington  Press  in  the  Daily 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No.  208,  Sep- 
tember 8,  1871. 

281  ;por  complete  statements  of  these  charges  see  the 
Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  Nos.  298, 
305,  and  307,  December  27,  1871,  and  January  4  and  6, 
1872. 

282  ;por  instance  see  the  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye , 
December  21  and  28, 1871. 

283  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  21,  1871. 

284  Quotation  from  The  Sioux  City  Journal  in  the  Bur- 
lington Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  28,  1871. 

19 


290         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

285  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  39, 
September  27,  1871. 

286  Quotation  from  the  Pella  Blade  in  the  Daily  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No.  285,  December  9, 
1871. 

287  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
298,  December  27,  1871. 

288  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
307,  January  7,  1872. 

289  Quotation  from  the  Winterset  Sun  in  the  Daily  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No.  181,  August  8, 
1871. 

290  Quotation  from  the  Mount  Pleasant  Press  in  the 
Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No.  185, 
August  12,  1871. 

291  See  The  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  37, 
September  13,  1871,  for  a  statement  of  this  charge  together 
with  a  reply  to  it. 

292  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  28,  1871. 

293  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
310,  January  11,  1872.    The  ballots  were  as  follows : 

Informal  ballot.—  Allison  60,  Harlan  38,  Wilson  22. 
First  formal  ballot.—  Allison  59,  Harlan  42,  Wilson  20. 
Second  formal  ballot.—  AUison  63,  Harlan  40,  Wilson  17. 

294  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  X,  No. 
310,  January  11,  1872. 

295  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1872,  pp. 
95,  96.    In  the  Senate  Allison  received  forty-two  votes  and 
Harlan  seven.     In  the  House  of  Representatives  the  vote 
stood  seventy-six  for  Allison  and  twenty  for  Sarlan. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  291 

CHAPTER  XI 

296  Letter  from  Chief  Justice  William  E.  Miller  to  Kirk- 
wood,  dated  July  2,  1875. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood,  Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

297  Quoted  from  the  Marshall  Times  in  The  Iowa  Daily 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  162,  July  8, 
1875. 

298  Quoted  from  the  Davenport  Gazette  in  the  Burling- 
ton Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  Thursday,  July  15,  1875. 

299  Quoted  from  the  Sioux  City  Journal  in  The  Iowa 
Daily  State  Register   (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  182, 
July  31,  1875. 

300  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  Thursday,  Septem- 
ber 9,  1875. 

301  The  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XIV,  No.  205,  August  27, 1875. 

302  Letter  from  J.  N.  Dewey  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Sep- 
tember 19,  1875. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

303  Letter  from  Jacob  Rich  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Novem- 
ber 10,   1875. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

304  Quoted  from  the  Pella  Blade  in  The  Iowa  Daily 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  258,  November 
3,  1875. 

305  Quoted  from  the  Oskaloosa  Herald  in  The  Iowa  Daily 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  273,  November 
20,  1875. 

306  Quoted  from  the  Mt.  Pleasant  Free  Press  in  The 


292         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  263, 
November  9,  1875. 

307  Quoted  from  the  Spirit  Lake  Beacon  in  The  Iowa 
Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XIV,  No.  277,  No- 
vember 25,  1875. 

308  Quoted  from  the  Brighton  Star  in  the  Burlington 
Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  30,  1875. 

309  jpor  instance  see  the  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye, 
December  9,  1875. 

310  See  an  extract  from  the  Governor's  letter  in  the 
Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  9,  1875. 

311  Burlington  Weekly  Haivk-Eye,  December  9,  1875. 

312  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  23,  1875. 

313  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  December  30,  1875. 

314  Letter  from  John  Palmer  to  Kirkwood,  dated  No- 
vember 15,  1875. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

315  Letter  from  Warren  Danforth  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
November  26,  1875. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood, Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

316  Letter  from  J.  B.  Shepardson  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
December  15,  1875. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood, Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

317  The  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XV,  No.  28,  January  11, 1876. 

318  The  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XV,  No.  29,  January  12,  1876. 

319  The  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XV,  No.  30,  January  13,  1876. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  293 

320  The  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XV,  No.  30,  January  13,  1876. 

The  ballots  in  the  caucus  were  as  follows : 

Informal  ballot.—  W.  W.  Belknap  15,  Hiram  Price  24, 

Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  53,  George  W.  McCrary  15,  blank  2. 
Formal  ballot.—  Kirkwood  56,  Price  27,  Belknap  13, 

McCrary  14. 

321  The  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XV,  No.  32,  January  15, 1876. 

322T/te  Iowa  Daily  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol. 
XV,  No.  30,  January  13,  1876. 

323  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1876,  pp. 
47,  48. 

CHAPTER  XII 

324  Quoted  from  the  Oskaloosa  Herald  in  the  Dubuque 
Weekly  Times,  Wednesday,  October  31,  1877. 

323  Quoted  from  the  Onawa  Gazette  in  the  Dubuque 
Weekly  Times,  Wednesday,  November  7,  1877. 

326  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXI, 
No.  48,  December  21,  1877. 

327  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXI, 
No.  48,  December  21, 1877. 

328  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXI, 
No.  48,  December  21,  1877.     The  stand  on  the  part  of 
Senator  Allison,  here  referred  to,  doubtless  had  to  do  with 
certain  appointments  of  ex- Confederates  made  by  President 
Hayes. 

329  Daily  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XVI, 
No.  310,  December  18, 1877. 


294         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

330  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  Thursday,  December 
6,  1877. 

331  Muscatine   Weekly  Journal,  Friday,  December  21, 
1877. 

332  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Wednesday,  December  12, 
1877 ;  and  quotation  from  the  Burlington  Hawk-Eye  in  the 
Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Wednesday,  January  9,  1878. 

333  Quoted  from  the  Sioux  City  Journal  in  the  Dubuque 
Weekly  Times,  Wednesday,  December  19,  1877. 

334  The  Cedar  Falls  Gazette,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  38,  De- 
cember 21, 1877. 

335  Quoted  from  the  MacGregor  correspondence  to  the 
Dubuque  Herald  in  The  Cedar  Falls  Gazette,  Vol.  XVIII, 
No.  40,  January  4, 1878. 

336  The  Cedar  Falls  Gazette,  Vol.  XVIII,  No.  40,  Janu- 
ary 4,  1878. 

337  por  instance  see  the  Muscatine  Weekly  Journal,  Fri- 
day, January  4,  1878 ;  and  The  Cedar  Falls  Gazette,  Vol. 
XVIII,  No.  41,  January  11,  1878. 

338  jnor  accounts  of  the  caucus  see  the  Weekly  Iowa  State 
Register   (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXI,  No.  52,  January  18, 
1878;  and  the  Dubuque  Weekly  Times,  Wednesday,  Janu- 
ary 23,  1878. 

339  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1878,  p.  49. 

340  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1878,  p.  30 ;  Journal  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  1878,  p.  39.    There  is  a  discrep- 
ancy between  the  figures  given  in  the  two  journals  and  the 
total  vote  as  stated  in  the  record  of  the  joint  convention. 

341  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye,  Thursday,  January 
24,  1878. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  295 

CHAPTEE  XIH 

342  Weekly   Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   VoL 
XXV,  No.  1,  January  21,  1881. 

343  Letter  from  Jacob  Rich  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Febru- 
ary 20,  1881. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

344  Letter  from  J.  N.  Dewey  to  Kirkwood,  dated  Febru- 
ary 21,  1881. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

345  Letter  from  Jacob  Rich  to  Kirkwood,  dated  March 
3,  1881. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  His- 
torical Department,  Des  Moines. 

346  Letter  from  S.  M.  Finch  to  Kirkwood,  dated  March 
5,  1881. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  His- 
torical Department,  Des  Moines. 

347  James  W.  McDill  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate  on  March  14,  1881. —  Congressional  Record,  Special 
Session  of  the  Senate,  47th  Congress,  pp.  14,  15. 

348  Letter  from  James  F.  Wilson  to  Kirkwood,  dated 
March  7,  1881. —  Correspondence  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
Historical  Department,  Des  Moines. 

349  Weekly  Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   VoL 
XXV,  No.  9,  March  18,  1881. 

350  Weekly  Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   VoL 
XXV,  No.  21,  June  10,  1881. 

351  Quoted  from  the  Vinton  Observer  in  the  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXV,  No.  21,  June 
10,  1881. 

352  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register    (Des   Moines),   VoL 
XXV,  No.  24,  July  1, 1881. 


296         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

353  See  quotation  from  the  Jefferson  Bee  in  the  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXV,  No.  24,  July 
1,  1881. 

354  Quoted  from  the  Dubuque  Times  in  the  Iowa  City 
Daily  Republican,  Vol.  VI,  No.  1586,  July  28,  1881. 

355  See  quotation  from  the  Atlantic  Telegraph  in  the 
Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  VI,  No.  1600,  August  13, 
1881. 

356  Weekly   Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   Vol. 
XXV,  No.  33,  September  2,  1881. 

357  Quotation  from  the  Dubuque  Times  in  the  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXV,  No.  34,  Sep- 
tember 9,  1881. 

358  Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  VI,  No.  1628,  Sep- 
tember 16,  1881. 

359  Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  VI,  No.  1639,  Sep- 
tember 30,  1881. 

360  Quoted  from  the  Chicago  Evening  Journal  in  the 
Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  VI,  No.  1639,  September 
30,  1881. 

361  Weekly   Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   Vol. 
XXV,  No.  38,  October  7,  1881. 

362  Weekly   Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   Vol. 
XXV,  No.  42,  November  4,  1881. 

363  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register    (Des  Moines),   Vol. 
XXV,  No.  45,  November  25,  1881. 

364  Letter  from  Kirkwood  to  Jacob  Rich,  dated  October 
3,  1881. —  Letter  Book  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  July  12, 
1881-June  27,  1885,  pp.  31,  32,  State  Historical  Society  of 
Iowa,  Iowa  City. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  297 

365  Letter  from  Kirkwood  to  E.  R.  Kirk,  dated  October 
20,  1881.—  Letter  Book  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  July  12, 
1881-June  27,  1885,  p.  53,  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa, 
Iowa  City. 

360  Quoted  from  the  Worth  County  Eagle  in  the  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXV,  No.  42,  No- 
vember 4,  1881. 

367  Quoted  from  the  Cedar  Rapids  Republican  in  the 
Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXV,  No. 
44,  November  18,  1881. 

368  Weekly   Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   Vol. 
XXV,  No.  51,  January  6,  1882. 

369  Weekly  Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines),   Vol. 
XXV,  No.  52,  January  13,  1882. 

370  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1882,  pp. 
80-82.     The  vote  in  the  House  for  the  full  term  stood: 
James  F.  Wilson  68,  L.   G.  Kinne  19,  D.  P.   Stubbs  6, 
absent  or  not  voting,  7.     The  vote  in  the  House  for  the 
short  term  stood :  James  W.  Dill  68,  M.  M.  Ham  18,  Daniel 
Campbell  6,  absent  or  not  voting,  8.    In  the  Senate  Wilson 
received  42,  Kinne  2,  and  Stubbs  2 ;  while  for  the  short  term 
McDill  received  42,  Ham  2,  and  Campbell  2. —  Journal  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  1882,  pp.  66,  67 ;  and  Journal 
of  the  Senate,  1882,  pp.  56,  57. 

CHAPTER  XIV 

371  See  the  writer's  History  of  Liquor  Legislation  in 
Iowa  in  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  VI, 
pp.  535-539. 

372 Iowa  State  Press  (Iowa  City),  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  37, 
September  12, 1883. 


298         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

373  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
201,  August  24,  1883. 

*™lowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
201,  August  24,  1883. 

s™Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
220,  September  15,  1883. 

*76Iowa  State  Press  (Iowa  City),  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  40, 
October  3, 1883. 

377  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
220,  September  15, 1883. 

378  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
220,  September  15,  1883 ;  and  Iowa  City  Daily  Republican, 
Vol.  VII,  No.  340,  October  4,  1883. 

379  Account  of  speech  by  James  Harlan  in  The  Burling- 
ton Hawk-Eye,  October  3,  1883.     See  also  the  Iowa  State 
Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No.  220,  September  15, 
1883. 

380  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
220,  September  15, 1883. 

381  Quoted  from  the  Davenport  Gazette  in  The  Burling- 
ton Hawk-Eye,  October  3,  1883. 

382 Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
220,  September  15,  1883. 

383  Quoted  from  the  Davenport  Gazette  in  The  Burling- 
ton Hawk-Eye,  October  7,  1883. 

384  See  for  instance  an  account  of  a  speech  by  James  B. 
Weaver  in  the  Iowa  State  Press,  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  40,  Octo- 
ber 3,  1883. 

385  Statement  by  J.  K.  Graves  quoted  in  the  Iowa  State 
Press,  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  49,  December  5, 1883. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  299 

386  The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye,  November  29,  1883. 

387  Iowa  State  Press,  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  51,  December  19, 
1883.    See  also  the  same  paper  for  January  16,  1884. 

388  loiva  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
323,  January  16, 1884. 

S8QIowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
323,  January  16, 1884. 

™Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  XXII,  No. 
323,  January  16,  1884. 

391  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1884,  p.  36. 

392  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1884,  p.  45. 
For  the  separate  votes  in  the  House  and  Senate  respectively 
see  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1884,  p.  39; 
and  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1884,  p.  39. 

393  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1884,  pp. 
97,  98, 112, 113 ;  and  Journal  of  the  Senate,  1884,  pp.  83,  84. 
The  law  of  Congress  regulating  the  election  of  United  States 
Senators  provided  that  the  election  should  begin  on  the 
second  Tuesday  after  the  legislature  had  effected  its  organ- 
ization.    The  organization  of  the  General  Assembly  this 
year  was  effected  on  Tuesday,  January  15th,  and  conse- 
quently there  was  some  doubt  as  to  what  would  be  consid- 
ered the  second  Tuesday. 

CHAPTER  XV 

394  Quoted  from  the  Muscatine  Journal  in  The  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  13,  1887. 

395  Quoted  from  the  Audubon  Republican  in  The  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  13,  1887. 

396  See  quotation  from  the  Keokuk  Gate  City  in  The 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  26, 1887. 


300         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

397  See  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August 
23,  1887. 

398T/te  Fort  Dodge  Messenger,  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  39, 
August  18,  1887. 

399  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  19, 
1887. 

400  Quoted  from  the  Montezuma  Republican  in  The  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August  19,  1887. 

401  The  Fort  Dodge  Messenger,  Vol.  XXIV,  No.  5,  De- 
cember 22,  1887. 

402  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  10, 

1888. 

403  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  11, 

1888. 

404  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  11, 

1888. 


405  Tne  vote  in  the  Senate  on  January  17th  stood  :  James 
F.  Wilson  31,  T.  J.  Anderson  26,  Daniel  Campbell  3,  J.  R. 
Reed  1,  and  John  A.  T.  Hull  1.  —  Journal  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  1888,  p.  98. 

The  vote  in  the  Senate  on  January  24th  stood:  James 
F.  Wilson  29,  T.  J.  Anderson  10,  and  Henry  Wallace  1. 
In  the  House  the  votes  stood:  James  F.  Wilson  57,  T.  J. 
Anderson  19,  Daniel  Campbell  3,  J.  R.  Reed  1,  and  John 
A.  T.  Hull  1.  —  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
1888,  p.  123. 

CHAPTEB  XVI 

406  Quoted  from  the  Cedar  Rapids  Gazette  in  the  Iowa 
City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIII,  No.  205,  July  5,  1889. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  301 

407  Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIII,  No.  205, 
July  5,  1889. 

408  Quoted  from  the  Des  Moines  Daily  News  in  the  Iowa 
City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIII,  No.  286,  October  10, 
1889. 

409  See  mention  of  this  charge  in  The  Cedar  Rapids 
Times,  Vol.  XXXIX,  No.  7,  October  1,  1889;  and  the  Iowa 
City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  48,  January  11,  1890. 

410  See  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  October 
18,  1889. 

411  Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  16,  De- 
cember 2,  1889. 

412  Quoted  from-  the  Clinton  Herald  in  the  Iowa  City 
Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  21,  December  7,  1889. 

413  The  editor  of  the  Bedford  Democrat  was  apparently 
among  those  who  favored  this  plan. —  See  the  Iowa  City 
Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  10,  November  23,  1889. 

414  Quoted  from  The  Iowa  State  Register  in  the  Iowa 
City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  22,  December  9, 1889. 

415  The  Cedar  Rapids  Times,  Vol.  XXXIX,  No.  13,  De- 
cember 12, 1889. 

416  Iowa  City  Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  29,  De- 
cember 18,  1889. 

417  Quoted  from  the  Boston  Journal  in  the  Iowa  City 
Daily  Republican,  Vol.  XIV,  No.  30,  December  19,  1889. 

418  Quoted  from  the  Howard  County  Times  in  The  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  9,  1890. 

419  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  7, 
1890. 


302         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

420  The  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  18, 
1890. 

421  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1890,  p.  83. 
This  result  was  achieved  only  after  an  agreement  between 
the  Democrats  and  Republicans  in  which  all  the  legislative 
positions  were  provided  for. 

422  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1890,  p. 
168. 

CHAPTEB  XVII 

423  Iowa  Official  Register,  1894,  p.  100. 

424  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  November  17,  1892. 

425  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  December  22,  1892. 

426  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Jan- 
uary 13,  1893. 

427  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  June 
16, 1893. 

428  See  for  instance  The  Iowa  Citizen  (Iowa  City),  Sep- 
tember 1,  1893. 

429  The    Weekly  Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines), 
August  25,  1893. 

430  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Sep- 
tember 8, 1893. 

431  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Octo- 
ber 6,  1893. 

432  Weekly  Times  (Dubuque),  November  24,  1893. 

433  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  No- 
vember 24,  1893. 

434  See  The  Iowa  Citizen   (Iowa  City),  December  15, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  303 

1893;  and  a  quotation  from  the  Clinton  Herald  in  The 
Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  December  22, 
1893. 

435  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  November  30,  1893. 

436  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  December  21,  1893. 

437  Weekly  Times  (Dubuque),  January  2,  1894. 

438  See  the   Weekly  Times    (Dubuque),  December  22, 
1893,  and  January  2,  1894. 

439  Weekly  Times  (Dubuque),  January  2,  1894. 

440  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  January  4,  1894. 

441  Quoted  from  the  Mason  City  Globe  in  the  Weekly 
Times  (Dubuque),  January  5,  1894. 

442  See  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines), 
January  12,  1894;  and  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader, 
January  11, 1894. 

443  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Jan- 
uary 12,  1894. 

444  por  g00(j  accounts  of  the  Republican  caucus  see  The 
Weekly  Iowa  State  Register   (Des  Moines),  January  19, 
1894;  and  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  January  18, 
1894. 

The  first  ballot  stood:  Gear  42,  Hepburn  19,  Lacey  10, 
Stone  13,  Cummins  12,  Coffin  4,  Perkins  12. 

The  second  ballot  stood:  Gear  50,  Hepburn  14,  Lacey 
8,  Stone  12,  Cummins  15,  Coffin  2,  Perkins  11. 

The  third  ballot  stood:  Gear  57,  Hepburn  15,  Lacey  8, 
Stone  11,  Cummins  10,  Coffin  1,  Perkins  12. 

445  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Jan- 
uary 19,  1894. 

446  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Jan- 
uary 19,  1894. 


304         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

447  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1894,  pp. 
78,  97.     On  January  17th  Gear  received  111  votes,  Boies 
28,  and  W.  H.  Butler  1.    On  January  24th  Gear  received 
98,  Boies  25,  and  Butler  1. 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

448  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  October  17,  1895. 

449  The  Des  Moines  Weekly  Leader,  December  26,  1895. 

450  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  De- 
cember 27, 1895. 

451  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Jan- 
uary 17,  1896. 

452  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1896,  p.  69. 

CHAPTER  XIX 

453  See  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines), 
August  25,  1899. 

454  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  May 
5, 1899. 

455  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Sep- 
tember 15  and  22,  1899. 

456  The    Weekly  Iowa  State  Register    (Des   Moines), 
August  25,  1899. 

457  |nor  instance,  see  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register 
(Des  Moines),  July  7  and  14,  and  December  22,  1899. 

458  See  The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye,  September  7,  1899. 

459  See  quotation  from  the  Cedar  Rapids  Republican  in 
The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye,  June  29,  1899. 

460  Quoted  from  The  Council  Bluffs  Nonpareil  in  The 
Burlington  Hawk-Eye  (Weekly),  July  6,  1899. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  305 

461  Quoted  from  the  Howard  County  Times  (Cresco),  in 
The  Burlington-Hawk-Eye  (Weekly),  August  10,  1899. 

4G2The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye    (Weekly),  August  31, 
1899. 

463  The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye    (Weekly),  January  4, 
1900. 

464  por  accounts  of  the  caucus  see  The  Weekly  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  January  12,  1900;  and  The 
Burlington  Hawk-Eye  (Weekly),  January  11,  1900. 

465  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1900,  p.  95. 

466  Quoted   from  The  Iowa  City  Republican  in  The 
Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  July  28,  1899. 

467  The   Weekly  Iowa   State  Register    (Des   Moines), 
August  24,  1900. 

468  The   Weekly  Iowa   State   Register    (Des   Moines), 
August  24,  1900. 

469  See  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines), 
December  13,  1901 ;  and  The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye  (Week- 
ly), January  9,  1902. 

470  The  Burlington  Hawk-Eye  (Weekly),  January  16, 
1902. 

471  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1902,  pp. 
76,  77. 

472  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  November 
28,  1906. 

473  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  January  13, 
1907. 

474  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  January  22, 
1907. 

20 


306         SENATORIAL  ELECTIONS  IN  IOWA 

475  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1907,  p. 
153. 

476  See  Van  der  Zee's  Amendments  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  Proposed  in  the  State  Legislature  of 
Iowa  1846-1909  in  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Pol- 
itics, Vol.  VII,  pp.  396-401. 

477  Laws  of  Iowa,  1906,  p.  212. 

478  See  the  Report  of  Proceedings  of  the  Inter-State 
Senatorial  Amendment   Convention  held  at  Des  Moines, 
Iowa,  December,  1906. 

479  Laws  of  Iowa,  1907,  p.  51. 

480  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LVIII, 
No.  147,  November  26,  1907. 

481  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LVIII, 
No.  165,  December  14, 1907. 

482  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LVIII, 
No.  167,  December  16,  1907. 

483  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LVIII, 
No.  166,  December  15,  1907. 

484  Iowa  Official  Register,  1909-1910,  pp.  600-605. 

485  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LIX, 
No.  55,  August  26,  1908. 

486  Laws  of  Iowa,  Extra  Session,  1908,  p.  3. 

487  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LIX, 
No.  65,  September  5,  1908. 

488  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Extra  Ses- 
sion, 1908,  pp.  92-94,  100-103. 

489  Laws  of  Iowa,  Extra  Session,  1908,  p.  6. 

490  Iowa  Official  Register,  1909-10,  p.  600. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  307 

491  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Extra  Ses- 
sion, 1908,  pp.  120-122. 

492  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1909,  pp. 
168-170.     Albert   B.    Cummins   received    143    votes,   and 
Claude  R.  Porter  41. 

493  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  Vol.  LXI, 
No.  135,  November  13,  1910. 

494  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1911,  p. 
182. 

495  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1911,  p. 
494. 

496  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  1911,  pp. 
1924,  1925.     The  final  vote  stood:  Claude  R.  Porter  51, 
Horace  E.  Deemer  19,  William  S.  Kenyon  85.     Among 
those  not  mentioned  on  the  first  ballot  who  received  votes 
occasionally  during  the  deadlock  were  Paul  E.  Stillman, 
J.  U.  Sammis,  Henry  Wallace,  Daniel  Hamilton,  George  W. 
Clarke,  and  Horace  M.  Towner.    The  Democratic  vote  was 
for  a  time  transferred  to  Frank  A.  0  'Connor. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


ABOLITIONISTS,  60 

Aldrich,  Charles,  117 

Allen,  William,  circular  letter 
written  by,  184,  185;  refer- 
ence to,  186 

Allison,  William  B.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  136;  attitude 
of,  toward  Harlan,  138;  quali- 
fications and  advantages  of, 
145,  146;  reference  to,  146, 
153,  154,  159,  160,  176,  210, 
229,  293;  contest  between 
Wright  and,  147,  148;  alleged 
support  of,  by  railroads  and 
federal  officials,  148;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  149,  290;  prepara- 
tion of,  for  contest  of  1872, 
152;  distribution  of  support- 
ers of,  156;  praise  of,  by  Dem- 
ocrats, 157;  attitude  of,  to- 
ward administration,  157,  158; 
character  of  supporters  of, 
158;  attempt  to  stir  up  bitter- 
ness between  Wilson  and,  159, 
160;  partisanship  of  friends 
of,  161;  criticism  of  career  of, 
161,  162;  charges  against  in- 
tegrity of,  163,  164;  charge  of 
railroad  influence  in  favor  of, 
164,  220;  personal  attacks  on, 
166;  nomination  of,  166,  167, 
185,  208,  220,  221,  238,  247; 
first  election  of,  167;  bitter- 
ness of  first  election  of,  180; 
popular  approval  of,  181-183; 
position  of,  at  Washington, 
182;  fidelity  of,  to  Eepublican- 
ism,  182,  183;  hints  of  opposi- 
tion to,  183-185;  election  of,  in 
1878,  186;  possibility  of  ap- 
pointment of,  to  Cabinet,  188; 


approval  of,  by  Eepublicans, 
201,  207,  216;  efforts  of  Demo- 
crats and  Greenbackers  to  de- 
feat, 201,  202,  205;  bereave- 
ment of,  202;  charges  of  cor- 
ruption against,  202-204,  218; 
defense  of,  against  charges  of 
corruption,  204,  205;  effect  of 
candidacy  of,  on  State  elec- 
tions, 206,  207,  219,  220;  Dem- 
ocratic opposition  to,  207; 
speech  by,  208,  238;  resolution 
to  investigate  charges  against, 
208;  election  of,  in  1884,  209; 
question  of  successor  to,  216; 
arguments  against,  217;  atti- 
tude of  Democrats  toward, 
218;  alarm  among  friends  of, 
218,  219;  obligation  of  Eepub- 
licans to  vote  for,  220 ;  election 
of,  in  1890,  221;  effect  of 
election  of  eastern  man  on  can- 
didacy of,  227,  228,  230,  232; 
continued  support  of,  235; 
presidential  boom  in  favor  of, 
235,  236;  effect  of  prohibition 
question  on  candidacy  of,  236, 
237;  election  of,  in  1896,  238; 
election  of,  in  1902,  246,  247; 
proposal  for  non-partisan  re- 
election of,  247;  opening  of 
campaign  of,  against  Cum- 
mins, 250;  alleged  promise  of 
Cummins  to  support,  251-253; 
contest  between  Cummins  and, 
253,  254;  victory  of,  at  pri- 
maries, 254;  death  of,  254;  at- 
tempt to  elect  successor  to, 
256 

Anderson,  J.  E.,  193 

Anderson,   T.  J.,  defeat   of,  for 

311 


312 


INDEX 


senatorship,  215;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  300 

Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  114 

Anti-Nebraska  party,  67,  70,  75; 
prediction  of  split  in,  70;  cau- 
cus held  by,  73;  disgust  of,  at 
failure  to  elect  Senator,  80; 
criticism  of  Cook  by,  81;  ela- 
tion of,  at  election  of  Harlan, 
86;  belief  of,  in  legality  of 
election,  88;  hostility  to,  at 
Washington,  90 

Appointment  by  Governor  (see 
Governor) 

Arthur,  Chester  A.,  194 

BABB,  Washington  I.,  votes  re- 
ceived by,  238 

Baker,  Andrew  J.,  votes  received 
by,  256,  257 

Baker,  Thomas,  right  of,  to  seat 
in  Senate,  40,  41;  reference  to, 
42,  43,  268,  269 

Baldwin,  Caleb,  176 

Ballinger,  Thomas,  vote  received 
by,  287 

Baltimore  Platform,  70 

Barker,  Winslow  F.,  vote  received 
by,  103 

Bates,  Curtis,  vote  received  by, 
271 

Bayard,  James  A.,  91,  92,  95,  101 

Belknap,  William  W.,  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  158 ;  candi- 
dacy of,  for  senatorship,  171; 
newspaper  comment  relative  to, 
172;  objections  to,  173;  hope 
of  followers  of,  176;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  293 

Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  101 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  Jr.,  appoint- 
ment of,  as  teller,  29;  appeal 
of,  to  convention,  30,  31;  men- 
tion of,  for  senatorship,  38; 
nomination  of,  72,  79;  refer- 
ence to,  75,  268;  votes  received 
by,  79,  273,  276;  movement  in 
favor  of,  125 

Bestow,  S.  T.,  votes  received  by, 
221;  reference  to,  226 


Bigler,  William,  95 

Bills,  John  C.,  plan  for  election 
of,  as  Senator,  218 

Bissell,  Frederick  E.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  108;  reference 
to,  110,  111,  280;  lack  of 
prominence  of,  114 

Bloomington  (Muscatine),  25,  38 

Blythe,  James  E.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  223 

Boies,  Horace,  election  of,  as 
Governor,  216;  reference  to, 
222,  224,  243;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  223,  224;  nomina- 
tion of,  for  Governor,  225; 
scheme  in  favor  of,  226;  nomi- 
nation of,  for  Senator,  233; 
defeat  of,  234;  votes  received 
by,  304 

Bonson,  Eichard,  276 

Bowen,  D.  H.,  election  of,  as 
Speaker,  244 

Bowen,  Jesse,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  69 

Bowie,  G.  W.,  appointment  of,  as 
teller,  29 

Bradley,  Philip  B.,  46,  48 

Bribery,  exposure  of  attempts  at, 
24-27 

Briggs,  Ansel,  rumor  of  calling 
of  extra  session  by,  37;  out- 
side pressure  brought  to  bear 
on,  37,  38;  extra  session  called 
by,  38,  39;  promise  of  Clifton 
to,  42 

Brown,  Joel,  votes  received  by, 
287 

Browne,  Jesse  B.,  joint  conven- 
tion presided  over  by,  29;  ref- 
erence to,  83 

Browning,  Milton  D.,  candidacy 
of,  for  senatorship,  33,  64,  69; 
suggestion  by,  75;  maneuvers 
of,  for  senatorship,  75,  76; 
nomination  of,  79,  82;  refer- 
ence to,  80;  condemnation  of, 
81;  votes  received  by,  82,  276 

Bryan,  P.  Gad,  votes  received  by, 
79,  276 

Buchanan,    James,    doctrine    of 


INDEX 


313 


Calhoun  endorsed  by,  105;  ref- 
erence to,  116,  118,  121;  diffi- 
culties of  administration  of, 
123 

Bunker,  David,  votes  received  by, 
118 

Burlington,  20,  51,  53,  56,  57,  63, 
64,  80,  108,  136,  155,  157,  174, 
175,  183,  228,  230 

Butler,  Andrew  P.,  91,  95,  101; 
speech  by,  relative  to  contested 
election,  96,  97 

Butler,  Jacob,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  69;  nomination  of, 
72,  79;  votes  received  by,  273, 
276 

Butler,  W.  H.,  votes  received  by, 
304 

Butler  County,  159 

Byers,  H.  W.,  votes  received  by, 
259 

CABINET,  public  sentiment  relative 
to  resignation  of  Harlan  from, 
138,  139;  condemnation  of 
Harlan 's  conduct  as  member 
of,  162,  163;  appointment  of 
Kirkwood  to,  179,  190;  ques- 
tion of  appointment  to,  187, 
188;  possibility  of  appoint- 
ment of  Kirkwood  to,  188-190; 
rumor  of  changes  in,  194 

Caldwell,  Timothy  J.,  213,  214 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  38;  doctrine 
of,  relative  to  slavery,  105 

Cameron,  Simon,  election  of,  to 
Senate,  102 

Campbell,  Daniel,  votes  received 
by,  199,  215,  297,  300 

Candidates,  announcement  of,  18, 
55,  63-69,  107,  108,  125-127, 
136,  171,  227;  nomination  of, 
23,  45,  46,  56,  71,  72,  73,  75, 
148-150,  166,  167,  177,  178, 
199,  207,  213,  214,  220,  221, 
232,  233,  238,  244,  245,  247, 
248,  256;  schemes  of,  32,  33; 
discussion  of,  38,  145-147,  158, 
191-193,  211,  212,  223,  224; 
choice  of,  by  Democrats,  40; 


canvass  of  State  by,  44;  nomi- 
nation of,  at  primaries,  254; 
votes  for  in  1911,  259 

Capital,  removal  of,  108;  charges 
against  Grimes  in  connection 
with  removal  of,  112 

Capulets,  contest  between  Mon- 
tagues and,  104,  105 

Carleton,  Mr.,  vote  received  by, 
271 

Carroll,  B.  F.,  appointment  of 
Young  by,  258 

Caucus,  candidates  nominated  by, 
23,  40,  45,  46,  56,  73,  117, 
118,  127,  128,  140,  141,  148- 
150,  166,  167,  177,  178,  185, 
186,  199,  207,  208,  213,  214, 
220,  221,  232,  233,  238,  244, 
245,  247,  248,  256;  failure  of 
Whigs  to  hold,  70;  predictions 
concerning,  70;  irregularity  of, 
213;  question  of  date  of,  231 

Cedar  Falls,  185 

Cedar  Rapids,  219 

Cedar  Eapids  and  Missouri  Eiver 
Railroad,  charges  of  corruption 
in  connection  with,  203,  204 

Chapman,  Johnson  C.,  affidavit 
of,  charging  attempt  at  brib- 
ery, 26 

Charles  City,  159 

Cherokee  Indians,  fraud  in  con- 
nection with  lands  of,  162 

Cheshire,  Thomas  A.,  245 

Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy 
Railroad,  alleged  support  of 
Gear  by,  230 

Church,  effort  to  involve,  in  poli- 
tics, 154 

Civil  War,  effect  of,  on  Iowa  pol- 
itics, 129;  reference  to,  226 

Claggett,  Thomas  W.,  nomination 
of,  72,  79,  149,  150;  reference 
to,  128,  273;  defeat  of,  150; 
votes  received  by,  276 

Clarinda,  125 

Clark,  D.  M.,  votes  received  by, 
209 

Clark,  Lincoln,  ridicule  of,  54; 
votes  received  by,  118,  271,  276 


314 


INDEX 


Clark,  E.  L.  B.,  73 

Clark,  T.  E.,  207 

Clarke,  George  W.,  votes  received 
by,  256;  reference  to,  307 

Clarke,  James,  letter  to  Summers 
from,  32,  33,  267 

Clarke,  William  Perm,  candidacy 
of,  for  Senator,  107;  letters  of, 
to  members  of  legislature,  109; 
disappointment  of,  at  removal 
of  capital,  112;  attitude  of 
Harlan  toward,  113;  letter  to 
Harlan  from,  113;  letter  from 
Harlan  to,  114;  sketch  of  life 
of,  279 

Clarkson,  C.  F.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  158 

Clarkson,  James  S.,  review  of 
senatorial  candidates  by,  145- 
147;  mention  of,  for  senator- 
ship,  223;  reference  to,  231, 
287 

Clarkson,  Eichard  P.,  discussion 
of  senatorial  prospects  by, 
224;  reference  to,  225,  229, 
233,  237 

Clarksville,  175 

Clay,  Henry,  effect  of  compro- 
mise measures  of,  59 

Clayton,  John  M.,  91 

Clayton  County,  156 

Clifton,  Josiah,  attempt  at  brib- 
ery of,  26;  vote  cast  for  Mc- 
Carty  by,  29;  reference  to,  31, 
32,  43,  263;  balance  of  power 
held  by,  41;  denunciation  of, 
by  Democrats,  42,  43 

Clinton,  223 

Coffin,  Lorenzo  S.,  candidacy  of, 
for  Senator,  230;  defeat  of,  in 
caucus,  232,  233;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  303 

Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  mo- 
tion to  refer  contested  election 
to,  90,  91,  93,  94;  reports  of, 
94,  95 

Compromise  of  1850,  attitude  of 
Harlan  toward,  76 

Conaway,  F.  E.,  252 

Conger,   Edwin   H.,   mention   of, 


for  senatorship,  224;  reference 
to,  229 

Congress,  political  complexion 
of,  37,  38,  226;  absence  of 
Jones  from,  56;  most  momen- 
tous act  passed  by,  60;  power 
of,  to  admit  slave  States,  77; 
failure  of,  to  regulate  manner 
of  electing  Senators,  98;  need 
of  more  Democratic  votes  in, 
123;  act  of,  regulating  election 
of  Senators,  150,  299;  defeat 
of  Wright  for  election  to,  151; 
service  of  Wilson  in,  159 ;  need 
for  Union  soldiers  in,  212 

Conlee,  Eeuben,  attempt  at  brib- 
ery of,  26;  votes  cast  for  Mc- 
Carty  by,  29;  reference  to,  31, 
263 ;  death  of,  32 

Constitution  of  Iowa  (1857), 
adoption  of,  108;  prohibitory 
amendment  to,  200 

Constitution  of  United  States, 
provision  of,  relative  to  elec- 
tion of  Senators,  97,  98,  100; 
suggestion  for  amendment  to, 
249 

Cook,  John  P.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  68;  reference  to, 
70,  80;  nomination  of,  72,  75, 
78,  82;  votes  received  by,  72, 
78,  79,  273,  274,  275,  276;  de- 
feat of,  for  nomination,  73; 
criticism  of,  81 

Cook,  John  P.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  69 

Coolbaugh,  William  F.,  votes  re- 
ceived by,  103,  118 

Cooley,  Dennis  N.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  146;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  287 

Corporations,  alleged  support  of 
Gear  by,  230 

Corwin,  Thomas,  35 

Cotton,  Aylett  E.,  election  of,  as 
Speaker,  148 

Council  Bluffs,  243;  speech  by 
Dolliver  at,  250,  251 

Credit  Mobilier,  charges  against 
Harlan  in  connection  with,  173 


INDEX 


315 


Cresco,  176 

Crittenden,  John  J.,  35 

Crocker,  Marcellus  M.,  letter  to 
Kirkwood  from,  134 

Cummins,  Albert  B.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  223,  248,  250; 
reference  to,  224,  228,  240, 
241;  praise  of,  225;  announce- 
ment of  candidacy  of,  227, 
253;  committee  of  supporters 
of,  229;  defeat  of,  in  caucus, 
232,  233 ;  contest  between  Gear 
and,  239;  arguments  against, 
242-244;  support  of,  by  Demo- 
crats, 243;  desire  of,  for  sena- 
torship, 246;  election  of,  as 
Governor,  246;  refusal  of,  to 
be  candidate,  248;  convention 
called  by,  249;  alleged  promise 
of,  to  support  Allison,  251-253; 
contest  between  Allison  and, 
253,  254;  new  opportunity  for, 
254;  alternatives  facing,  255; 
extra  session  called  by,  255; 
nomination  of,  256;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  256,  303;  campaign 
between  Lacey  and,  257;  vic- 
tory of,  at  primaries,  257; 
election  of,  257,  258 

Curtis,  George  M.,  257 

Curtis,  Samuel  B.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  136 

DALLAS  County,  40 

Dart,  Samuel  (fictitious  name), 
118 

Davenport,  107,  169,  206 

Davis,  James,  appeal  of,  to  con- 
vention, 30 ;  right  of,  to  seat  in 
Senate,  40,  41;  reference  to, 
42,  43,  268 

Davis,  Timothy,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  68;  vote  received 
by,  118 ;  candidacy  of,  for  Sen- 
ator, 125 

Dawson,  Albert  F.,  votes  received 
by,  256 

Day,  Irad  C.,  resolution  by,  23 

Deadlock  in  1911,  259,  260 

Dean,  Henry  Clay,  185 


Decorah,  146 

Deemer,  Horace  E.,  candidacy  of, 
260;  votes  received  by,  307 

Delaware  Indians,  fraud  in  mak- 
ing treaty  with,  162 

Delegate  to  Congress,  service  of 
Dodge  as,  20;  service  of  Jones 
as,  45 

Democratic  party,  cause  of  down- 
fall of,  60;  overthrow  of,  63; 
division  in,  121;  difficulties 
confronting  leaders  of,  121, 
122 

Democratic  State  Convention, 
135,  225 

Democrats,  17,  19,  39,  43,  55,  60, 
92,  102,  115,  166;  contest  for 
senatorships  among,  18;  dom- 
inance of,  18;  charges  made 
against  Whigs  by,  19,  20;  can- 
didates of,  for  senatorship,  20, 
21,  23,  40,  50,  55,  72,  141,  221, 
223,  224,  238,  247,  248,  259; 
charges  against,  23,  24,  124, 
205;  discomfiture  of,  at  brib- 
ery episode,  25;  controversy 
between  Whigs  and,  27;  elec- 
tion of  McCarty  feared  by,  30 ; 
refusal  of,  to  accept  Huner, 
32;  refusal  of,  to  meet  in  joint 
convention,  33-35 ;  resolution 
of,  in  House,  34;  regret  of,  at 
failure  to  elect  Senators,  35; 
strength  of,  in  Congress,  38; 
equality  between  Whigs  and, 
41;  illegal  members  allowed  to 
retain  seats  by,  41;  denuncia- 
tion of  Clifton  by,  42,  43 ;  suc- 
cess of,  in  State  elections,  44; 
rivalry  among,  44,  45;  caucus 
held  by,  45,  46,  56,  73,  128, 
149,  150,  167,  233,  245,  256; 
majority  of,  in  legislature,  47, 
56;  failure  of  appearance  of 
candidates  among,  against 
Jones,  53;  attitude  of,  toward 
compromise,  59;  loss  of  New 
England  by,  60:  defeat  of,  61, 
84;  majority  of,  in  Senate,  62; 
lack  of  activity  among,  65;  op- 


316 


INDEX 


position  of,  to  Warren,  67; 
plan  of,  to  gain  advantage  over 
Whigs,  71;  refusal  of,  to  fuse 
with  National  Whigs,  77;  sup- 
port of  Cook  by,  79;  satisfac- 
tion of,  at  failure  to  elect  Sen- 
ator, 80;  intrigues  of  Cook 
with,  81;  efforts  of  Cook  and 
Browning  to  secure  support  of, 
81,  82;  fear  of,  of  election  of 
Harlan,  83;  protests  of, 
against  election  of  Harlan,  86; 
questionable  practices  of,  86; 
hostility  of,  to  new  party,  90; 
reason  for  postponement  of 
Harlan 's  case  by,  92,  93;  con- 
demnation of  Lecompton  fraud 
by,  104;  danger  of  control  of 
legislature  by,  105,  106 ;  attack 
on  Grimes  by,  111;  repudiation 
of  Buchanan  by,  119;  efforts 
of,  to  minimize  importance  of 
national  issues,  121;  Repub- 
licans  warned  against,  122, 
135,  206;  circulars  distributed 
among,  123;  minority  of,  129; 
prediction  of  success  of,  130; 
interest  of,  in  Harlan-Allison 
contest,  156,  157;  responsibil- 
ity for  victories  of,  161;  ma- 
jority of,  in  lower  house  of 
Congress,  170;  declaration  of, 
in  favor  of  license  law,  200; 
attitude  of,  toward  charges 
against  Allison,  202;  efforts 
of,  to  defeat  Allison,  201,  202; 
charges  against  Eepublicans 
by,  206;  opposition  of,  to  Alli- 
son, 207;  resolutions  against 
Allison  by,  208;  lack  of  inter- 
est of,  in  contest,  210;  interest 
of,  in  senatorial  contest,  216; 
victory  of,  216;  hope  of,  of 
electing  Senator,  218;  attitude 
of,  toward  Allison,  218;  con- 
test between  Republicans  and, 
over  Speaker,  219;  possibility 
of  victory  of,  219;  efforts  of 
Republicans  to  end  success  of, 
222;  failure  of,  to  nominate 


Senator  at  State  Convention, 
224;  elimination  of,  from  con- 
test, 227;  approval  of  Allison 
by,  235;  endorsement  of  Cum- 
mins by,  243;  support  of  Por- 
ter by,  254 

Department  of  Interior,  officials 
of,  sent  to  Iowa,  138;  charges 
against  Harlan  in  connection 
with,  140 

Des  Moines,  removal  of  capital 
to,  108,  112 ;  meeting  of  legis- 
lature at,  127;  correspondence 
from,  141;  reference  to,  145, 
147,  156,  160,  166,  170,  182, 
187,  188,  189,  191,  193,  195, 
202,  208,  212,  213,  217,  220, 
224,  225,  229,  231,  236,  244, 
258;  convention  at,  249 

Des  Moines  County,  33,  75,  228 

Des  Moines  House,  supper  at,  119 

Dewey,  J.  N.,  letter  to  Kirkwood 
from,  170,  171,  188,  189 

Dewey,  Laurin,  conversation  of, 
with  Harlan,  66,  67 

Dodge,  Augustus  Caesar,  support 
of,  in  southern  Iowa,  20,  44, 
45,  48;  nomination  of,  23,  45, 
71,  72,  73,  75,  78,  82,  128; 
charges  against,  24;  attempt  at 
bribery  to  secure  votes  for,  24- 
26;  money  furnished  to  Mar- 
shall by,  25;  satirical  comment 
relative  to,  26;  attempt  to 
supplant,  32;  attempt  to  bribe 
friends  of,  33;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  38;  support  of,  by 
Democrats,  40,  65;  reference 
to,  42,  47,  57,  63,  107;  first 
election  of,  48;  term  drawn  by, 
48;  reelection  of,  49;  ball  giv- 
en by,  49;  successor  to,  59;  de- 
sire for  defeat  of,  62;  scheme 
favored  by,  65;  votes  received 
by,  72,  78,  273,  276;  withdraw- 
al of  name  of,  79 

Dodge,  Grenville  M.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  158;  alleged 
support  of  Allison  by,  220; 
vote  received  by,  287 


INDEX 


317 


Dolliver,  Jonathan  P.,  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  224;  pre- 
diction relative  to,  245;  ap- 
pointment of,  245,  246;  elec- 
tion of,  in  1907,  247,  248;  ef- 
nomination  of,  247,  248;  elec- 
tion of,  in  1907,  247,  248;  ef- 
forts of,  in  support  of  Allison, 
250,  251;  Torbert  letter  pub- 
lished by,  251;  death  of,  258; 
election  of  successor  to,  258- 
260 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  importance 
of  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  of, 
60;  first  indication  of  opposi- 
tion to  doctrine  of,  61;  refer- 
ence to,  101 

Dred  Scott  Decision,  104 

Drummond,  Thomas,  letters  to 
Harlan  from,  126 

Dubuque,  38,  42,  45,  51,  55,  68, 
108,  113,  114,  137,  145,  146, 
160,  171,  176,  185,  193,  206, 
227;  opposition  to  Jones  at, 
52,  53 ;  sketch  of  life  of  Jones 
published  at,  54;  objections  to 
Warren  at,  64;  contest  between 
Jones  and  Wilson  at,  104,  105, 
106,  115,  116;  death  of  Allison 
at,  254 

Dubuque  County,  84,  118,  228 

EARLHAM,  193 

Eastern  Iowa,  residence  of  Sena- 
tors in,  227 

Eastman,  Enoch  W.,  nomination 
of,  72;  votes  received  by,  273, 
286 

Eaton,  Willard  L.,  defeat  of,  for 
speakership,  244 

Ellis,  Lyman,  238 

Europe,  trip  of  Grimes  to,  143 

FAIRFIELD,  50,  54,  158,  190 

Federal  officers,  efforts  of,  in 
support  of  Harlan,  141;  al- 
leged support  of  Gear  by,  241 

Feely,  Guy  S.,  votes  received  by, 
259 

Fessenden,  William  P.,  101 


Fillmore,  Millard,  64 
First  District,  Wilson  as  Repre- 
sentative from,  159 
Floyd  County,  159 
Fort  Dodge,  147,  156,  212,  230; 

death  of  Dolliver  at,  258 
Foster,  Lafayette  S.,  101 
Franke,   Carl   F.,  votes   received 

by,  259 

Free  Soilers,  60,  114;  amalgama- 
tion of  Whigs  and,  61 
Free  thinkers,  charge  of  effort  to 

array,  against  Harlan,  154,  155 
Freedman's   Bureau,    debate   on, 

146 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  attitude  of 

political    parties    toward,    59; 

attitude  toward,  in  North,  60; 

attitude  of  Harlan  toward,  76; 

reference  to,  77 
Fullenwider,    Samuel,    vote    cast 

for  Mitchell  by,  29;  reference 

to,  30 
Funk,  A.  B.,  votes  received  by, 

256,  259 

GARFIELD,  James  A.,  question  of 
Cabinet  appointment  by,  187, 
188;  appointment  of  Kirkwood 
by,  190;  death  of,  194 

Garst,  Warren,  votes  received  by, 
256,  259 

Gatch,  C.  H.,  229 

Gates,  E.  N.,  votes  received  by, 
186 

Gear,  John  H.,  political  aspira- 
tions of,  187;  reference  to, 
188,  189,  193,  244;  activity  of, 
188;  appointment  of  McDill 
by,  190;  mention  of,  for  sena- 
torship, 191,  223;  withdrawal 
of  name  of,  199 ;  announce- 
ment of  candidacy  of,  227; 
arguments  against,  228-230, 
240,  241;  chances  in  favor  of, 
231;  efforts  to  defeat,  231, 
232;  petitions  circulated  by, 
232;  nomination  of,  232,  233, 
245 ;  first  election  of,  234 ;  eon- 
test  between  Cummins  and, 


318 


INDEX 


239;  defense  of,  by  friends, 
242;  opposition  of  friends  of, 
to  Cummins,  242 ;  second  elec- 
tion of,  245;  prediction  of  suc- 
cessor to,  245;  death  of,  245, 
246;  election  of  successor  to, 
247;  votes  received  by,  303, 
304 

General  Assembly,  first  election 
of  members  of,  17;  importance 
of  political  complexion  of,  17, 
18,  105,  106;  first  meeting  of, 
22;  controversy  in,  relative  to 
joint  convention,  27;  first  joint 
convention  of,  28;  adjourn- 
ment of,  31,  36,  43,  257;  re- 
cess of,  32;  acts  of,  relative  to 
election  of  Senators,  36,  96, 
98;  rumor  of  extra  session  of, 
37;  calling  of  extra  session  of, 
39;  extra  session  of,  40,  255; 
illegal  members  of,  40,  41; 
Democratic  majority  in,  44, 
56;  convening  of,  53,  69,  116, 
127,  131,  139,  147,  166,  176, 
199,  220,  231,  238,  244,  248, 
257,  259;  doubt  of  election  by, 
89;  majority  of  Eepublicans 
in,  106,  119,  124,  141;  separate 
vote  by  houses  of,  150;  circu- 
lar letter  to  members  of,  184, 
185;  effect  of  senatorial  ques- 
tion on  election  of  members  of, 
191-193;  change  in  years  of 
sessions  of,  247;  resolutions  in, 
relative  to  popular  election  of 
Senators,  249;  attempt  of,  to 
elect  Senator,  256 

Germans,  change  in  politics  of, 
60;  address  to,  155;  attempt 
to  make  political  faction  of, 
155 

Geyer,  Henry  S.,  101 

Governor,  law  providing  for  ap- 
pointment by,  36;  election  of 
Grimes  as,  61,  62;  question  of 
appointment  by,  88,  132,  144; 
importance  of  administration 
of  Grimes  as,  108;  effect  of 
nomination  of  Kirkwood  for, 


168,  169;  effect  of  election  of 
Kirkwood  as,  173;  aspirations 
of  Harlan  for  election  as,  187; 
method  of  nominating  Kirk- 
wood for,  194,  195;  election  of 
Boies  as,  216;  election  of  Jack- 
son as,  223;  appointment  of 
Dolliver  by,  246;  election  of 
Cummins  as,  246;  appointment 
of  Young  by,  258 

Grant,  James,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  55;  votes  received 
by,  271,  277 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  attitude  of 
candidates  toward  administra- 
tion of,  157,  158 

Grant-Conkling-Arthur  adminis- 
tration, 195 

Graves,  J.  K.,  support  of  Harlan 
by,  176;  reference  to,  206 

Greeley,  Horace,  157 

Green,  Benjamin,  57 

Greenbackers,  efforts  of,  to  de- 
feat Allison,  201,  202;  candi- 
date of,  for  Governor,  203; 
charges  against,  205;  charges 
against  Republicans  by,  206 

Greene  County,  193 

Grimes,  James  W.,  election  of,  as 
Governor,  61,  62;  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  68;  comment 
of,  on  senatorial  contest,  82; 
letter  from  Harlan  to,  88;  re- 
ply of,  to  Harlan,  88,  89;  let- 
ter from,  read  by  Harlan,  93 ; 
events  during  governorship  of, 
108;  popularity  of,  109;  op- 
ponents of,  109;  evidences  of 
opposition  to,  110;  letters 
written  by  friend  of,  110,  111 ; 
arguments  used  against,  111- 
115;  effort  to  array  Harlan 
against,  112,  113;  attitude  of 
Harlan  toward  election  of, 
113,  114;  attack  on  personal 
character  of,  115;  widespread 
support  of,  115;  probability  of 
election  of,  116;  warfare 
against,  117;  popular  support 
of,  117,  131;  nomination  of, 


INDEX 


319 


118;  election  of,  119;  supper 
given  by,  119;  letter  to  Harlan 
from,  125;  certainty  of  re- 
election of,  129;  attitude  of, 
toward  reelection,  129,  130; 
legislators  pledged  to  vote  for, 
130;  reelection  of,  131;  letter 
to  Kirkwood  from,  136,  137; 
attitude  of,  toward  Harlan, 
138;  illness  of,  143;  resigna- 
tion of,  143;  effect  of  resigna- 
tion of,  143,  144;  reference  to, 
146,  180;  death  of,  287 

Grinnell,  Josiah  B.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  146;  assault 
on,  by  Eousseau,  146,  147; 
votes  received  by,  149,  287,  288 

Gue,  Benjamin  F.,  account  of 
senatorial  contest  by,  147,  148 

Guelich,  Theodore,  address  pub- 
lished by,  155,  156 

HACKLEY,  A.  W.,  letter  to  Harlan 
from,  113 

Haight,  Silas,  26 

Hale,  John  P.,  91,  101,  117 

Hall,  Benton  J.,  votes  received 
by,  209 

Hall,  J.  C.,  attempt  at  bribery  to 
secure  votes  for,  24;  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  38,  45; 
vote  received  by,  273 

Ham,  M.  M.,  votes  received  by, 
199,  297 

Hamilton,  Daniel,  307 

Hamilton,  John  T.,  election  of,  as 
Speaker,  221 

Hamilton,  William  W.,  election 
of,  as  Speaker  pro  tern.,  84 

Harbors,  improvement  of,  17,  32 

Harlan,  James,  significance  of 
first  election  of,  59,  61;  efforts 
to  secure  candidacy  of,  65-67; 
promise  of,  to  be  candidate, 
67,  68;  quiet  work  in  support 
of,  69;  nomination  of,  72,  73, 
75,  78,  82,  127,  128,  140,  141; 
votes  received  by,  72,  78,  79, 
82,  273,  274,  275,  276,  277,  286, 
287,  290;  news  of  nomination 


brought  to,  73,  74;  reason  for 
nomination  of,  74,  75;  charges 
against  attitude  of,  toward  sla- 
very, 76;  letter  from  McFar- 
land  to,  76;  list  of  questions 
sent  to,  77,  78;  reply  of,  to  in- 
terrogatories, 78;  praise  of, 
81;  fear  of  election  of,  83; 
first  election  of,  85;  unusual 
features  of  first  election  of, 
85,  86,  102;  protests  against 
election  of,  86,  89;  oath  of  of- 
fice taken  by,  87,  89;  contested 
election  of,  88-102;  belief  of, 
in  legality  of  election,  88;  let- 
ter to  Grimes  from,  88;  letter 
from  Grimes  to,  88,  89,  125; 
credentials  of,  presented,  89; 
unpleasant  position  of,  at 
Washington,  89,  90;  postpone- 
ment of  discussion  of  right  of, 
to  seat,  90-92;  reasons  for 
postponement  of  election  case 
of,  92,  93;  speech  by,  relative 
to  contested  election,  93,  94; 
reports  of  committee  relative 
to  election  of,  94,  95;  desire 
of,  to  have  election  case  de- 
cided, 95;  speech  of  Butler 
relative  to  contested  election 
of,  96,  97;  defense  of,  by 
Toombs,  98-100;  debate  on 
contested  election  of,  101; 
seat  of,  declared  vacant,  101; 
reasons  for  unseating  of, 
101,  102;  departure  of,  for 
Iowa,  102;  senatorial  elec- 
tion witnessed  by,  102;  arrival 
of,  in  Iowa  City,  103;  reelec- 
tion of,  103;  reception  given 
to,  103;  return  of,  to  seat  in 
Senate,  103;  reference  to,  107, 
115,  127,  146,  153,  159,  173; 
letter  from  Thorington  to,  110; 
letter  from  Clarke  to,  112,  113; 
effort  to  arouse  opposition  of, 
to  Grimes,  112,  113;  letter 
from  Hackley  to,  113;  at- 
titude of,  toward  sugges- 
tion of  Clarke,  113;  attitude 


320 


INDEX 


of,  toward  election  of  Grimes, 
113,  114;  letter  from  Saunders 
to,  116;  question  of  successor 
to,  120,  152;  letters  from 
friends  of,  120;  satisfactory 
service  of,  in  Senate,  121;  cir- 
culation of  speeches  of,  121; 
attack  upon,  by  Democrats, 
123;  defense  of,  123,  124;  pub- 
lic sentiment  in  favor  of,  124, 
125;  support  of,  by  Wright, 
126;  letters  from  Drummond 
to,  126;  caucus  arranged  by 
friends  of,  127;  letter  from 
Morris  to,  128;  election  of,  in 
1860,  128;  appointment  of,  as 
Secretary  of  Interior,  132;  de- 
sire of,  to  leave  Cabinet,  135; 
efforts  of,  to  regain  seat  in 
Senate,  136-138 ;  rumor  of  bar- 
gain between  Warren  and,  137 ; 
attitude  of  Grimes  and  Allison 
toward,  138;  contest  between 
Kirkwood  and,  138-140;  elec- 
tion of,  in  1866,  141;  explana- 
tion of  election  of,  141;  popu- 
larity of,  142;  support  of 
Cooley  by,  146;  letter  written 
by  Newman  in  favor  of,  153- 
155;  charge  of  combination  of 
free  thinkers  against,  155;  dis- 
tribution of  supporters  of, 
156 ;  support  of,  by  Democrats, 
157;  attitude  of,  toward  ad- 
ministration, 158 ;  opposition 
of  friends  of,  to  Wilson,  159; 
partisanship  of  friends  of,  160, 
161;  criticism  of  career  of, 

161,  162;    charges  against,  in 
connection   with    secretaryship, 

162,  163;  salary  drawn  by  son 
of,    163;    defense    of,    against 
charges,  163;  criticism  of  vote 
of,  on  naturalization  laws,  164; 
support    of,   by   San  Domingo 
ring,    164,    165;    personal    at- 
tacks on,  165,  166;  defeat  of, 
for  nomination,  166,  167;  end 
of  official  career  of,  167;  men- 
tion  of,   for   senatorship,    169, 


171,  191;  chances  in  favor  of, 
171;  newspaper  comment  rela- 
tive to,  172;  revival  of  charges 
against,  172,  173;  manager  of 
forces  of,  174;  support  of,  by 
Graves,  176;  withdrawal  of 
name  of,  177 ;  illness  of  son  of, 
177;  effect  of  withdrawal  of, 
177,  178;  possibility  of  candi- 
dacy of,  183,  184;  denial  of 
candidacy  of,  184;  political  as- 
pirations of,  187;  support  of, 
by  Methodists,  189 

Harlan,  Mrs.  James,  qualifica- 
tions of,  for  Senator's  wife, 
165,  166 

Harmon,  Merritt  W.,  232 

Harris,  D.  M.,  vote  received  by, 
150 

Harrisburg  (Pennsylvania),  Har- 
lan at,  102 

Hartshorn,  Eldin  H.,  199 

Haugen,  Gilbert  N.,  votes  re- 
ceived by,  256 

Hayes,  Eutherford  B.,  opposition 
to  policies  of,  180;  reference 
to,  293 

Hayes,  Walter  L,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  223 

Healy,  Thomas  D.,  238 

Hebard,  Alfred,  186 

Hempstead,  Stephen,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  20,  38,  55; 
reference  to,  46;  vote  received 
by,  271 

Henderson,  David  B.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  223 

Henn,  Bernhart,  nomination  of, 
79;  votes  received  by,  276,  277 

Henry  County,  67,  184 

Hepburn,  William  P.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  212,  223;  op- 
position of  friends  of,  to  hold- 
ing of  caucus,  213;  withdrawal 
of  name  of,  214;  dissatisfac- 
tion of  friends  of,  214;  an- 
nouncement of  candidacy  of, 
227;  defeat  of,  in  caucus,  232, 
233;  votes  received  by,  256, 
303 


INDEX 


321 


House  of  Representatives,  major- 
ity of  Whigs  in,  18,  62,  63; 
controversy  between  Senate 
and,  23,  24,  27;  exposure  of 
attempt  at  bribery  in,  24; 
readiness  of,  to  meet  in  joint 
convention,  33;  resolutions  in, 
34,  35;  political  situation  in, 
41,  42;  refusal  of,  to  go  into 
joint  convention,  43 

Howell,  James  B.,  nomination  of, 
72,  149;  votes  received  by,  72, 
273,  274,  287,  288;  election  of, 
150,  151;  shortness  of  term  of, 
151 

Hubbard,  Asahel  W.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  136;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  286 

Hudson,  Silas  A.,  roll  called  by, 
29 

Hull,  John  A.  T.,  votes  received 
by,  215,  300;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  224 

Huner,  Jacob,  vote  cast  for  Mc- 
Carty  by,  29;  aspirations  of, 
for  senatorship,  32;  reference 
to,  263 

Hunt,  C.  B.,  193 

Hunter,  Robert  M.  T.,  motion  by, 
91 

Hutchinson,  217 

IMMIGRATION,  vanguard  of  tide 
of,  61;  reference  to,  108 

Independents,  election  of,  to  leg- 
islature, 19;  speculation  as  to 
course  of,  19;  efforts  to  secure 
support  of,  19,  20;  attempt  to 
bribe,  26 

Indians,  fraud  in  connection  with 
appropriation  and  pensions  for, 
162 

Internal  improvements,  32,  39 

Iowa,  admission  of,  into  Union, 
17;  first  election  in,  17;  im- 
portance of  politics  of  repre- 
sentatives of,  18;  sectionalism 
in,  21;  need  for  representation 
of,  in  Senate,  31,  32;  resolution 
of  Whigs  relative  to  interests 

21 


of,  35;  failure  to  elect  Sena- 
tors from,  36;  help  demanded 
from,  by  Polk,  38;  first  Sena- 
tors from,  48;  influence  of  na- 
tional issues  in,  59;  attitude 
of,  toward  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act,  61;  excitement  in,  61; 
immigration  to,  61;  first  Re- 
publican United  States  Sena- 
tor from,  87;  interest  of  peo- 
ple of,  in  struggle  in  Kansas, 
104;  increase  in  population  of, 
108;  interest  in  slavery  ques- 
tion in,  120;  difficulties  con- 
fronting Democratic  leaders  in, 
121;  effect  of  Harlan  >s  ap- 
pointment on  politics  in,  132; 
federal  officials-  sent  to,  138; 
need  of  harmonious  delegation 
from,  165;  bitter  political  con- 
test in,  180;  discussion  of  po- 
litical situation  in,  187,  188; 
position  of  Kirkwood  in,  195, 
196;  best  Governor  of,  211; 
importance  of  vote  of,  in  Con- 
gress, 226;  first  primary  nomi- 
nation of  Senators  in,  250; 
character  of  Senators  from, 
260 

Iowa's  Great  Commoner,  242 

Iowa  City,  17,  18,  19,  28,  31,  37, 
49,  69,  73,  74,  77,  78,  107,  113, 
130,  141,  188,  194,  245;  first 
meeting  of  legislature  at,  22; 
crowds  of  people  in,  22;  mass 
meeting  of  Whigs  at,  35;  de- 
light of  people  of,  at  extra  ses- 
sion, 39;  criticism  of  presence 
of  Jones  at,  53,  54;  senatorial 
contest  at,  54;  correspondence 
from,  55,  68;  continued  pres- 
ence of  Jones  at,  56 ;  departure 
of  Harlan  from,  102,  103;  ar- 
rival of  Harlan  at,  103;  re- 
moval of  capital  from,  108, 
112 

Iowa  Democratic  Club  Rooms, 
123 

Isbell,  Normal  W.,  candidacy  of, 
for  Judge,  82;  election  of,  85 


322 


INDEX 


JACKSON,  Frank  D.,  election  of, 
as  Governor,  223;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  256 

Jackson  (Michigan),  meeting  at, 
60 

Jasper  County,  40 

Jay,  Evan,  vote  received  by,  49 

Jefferson  County,  62 

Jefferson's  Manual,  100 

Jennings,  John  D.,  votes  received 
by,  131 

Johnson,  Andrew,  139,  163;  im- 
peachment trial  of,  143 

Johnson,  E.  W.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  55;  votes  received 
by,  271 

Johnson  County,  160 

Johnstone,  Edward,  nomination 
of,  72,  75;  votes  received  by, 
72,  78,  273 

Joint  convention,  controversy 
over  holding  of,  23,  24,  27; 
provision  for  holding  of  first, 
27,  28 ;  meeting  of  first,  28,  29 ; 
excitement  in  first,  29-31;  re- 
fusal of  Senate  to  meet  in,  33- 
35;  law  relative  to  holding  of, 
36,  150;  promise  of  Clifton  to 
go  into,  42;  refusal  of  Clifton 
to  go  into,  42;  refusal  of 
House  to  meet  in,  43;  meeting 
of,  47,  48,  49,  57,  71,  103,  119, 
128,  141,  167,  178,  179,  186, 
199,  209,  214,  221,  234,  256, 
258,  259;  efforts  to  make  ar- 
rangements for,  69;  arrange- 
ments for,  70,  71;  nominations 
in,  71,  72;  adjournment  of,  72, 
76,  79;  reassembling  of,  75, 
78,  82;  confusion  in,  83,  84; 
question  of  legality  of,  85,  86; 
reason  for  illegality  of,  96,  97; 
legality  of,  upheld,  99,  100 

Jones,  George  W.,  candidacy  of, 
for  Senator,  45;  contest  be- 
tween Wilson  and,  45,  104,  105, 
115,  116;  nomination  of,  46, 
48,  56;  celebration  of  nomina- 
tion by,  46,  47 ;  term  drawn  by, 
48;  condemnation  of,  50,  52; 


opposition  to,  at  Dubuque,  52, 
53;  newspaper  founded  to  op- 
pose, 53;  lack  of  candidates 
against,  53;  criticism  of,  for 
absence  from  Washington,  53, 
54;  pamphlet  containing  sketch 
of  life  of,  54;  ridicule  of,  54, 
55;  struggle  of  friends  and 
foes  of,  55,  56;  doggerel  rela- 
tive to,  56;  letter  from  Lewis 
to,  57;  second  election  of,  57; 
departure  of,  for  Washington, 
57;  comment  on  election  of, 
57,  58;  credentials  of  Harlan 
presented  by,  89;  reference  to, 
90,  91,  92,  106;  motion  by,  93; 
satirical  comment  relative  to, 
106,  107;  sectional  antagonism 
over  successor  to,  107;  desire 
of,  for  Democratic  vote,  116; 
votes  received  by,  118,  271 
Judges  of  Supreme  Court  (See 
Supreme  Court) 

KANSAS,  struggle  in,  104;  refer- 
ence to,  118 

Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  impor- 
tance of,  60,  62;  reaction 
against,  in  Iowa,  61;  heritage 
of,  104 

Kasson,  John  A.,  aspiration  of, 
for  senatorship,  126,  127;  ref- 
erence to,  134,  188;  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  136,  191, 
211;  resolutions  in  favor  of, 
192,  193;  withdrawal  of  name 
of,  199;  votes  received  by,  287 

Kenyon,  William  S.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  258;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  259,  307 ;  support  of, 
by  Progressives,  259,  260;  elec- 
tion of,  260 

Keokuk,  42,  122,  123,  139,  149, 
176,  211 

Keokuk  County,  24 

Keosauqua,  151 

King,  Nelson,  attempt  at  bribery 
of,  24-26;  resolution  of  thanks 
to,  25;  papers  submitted  by, 
265 


INDEX 


323 


Kinne,  L.   G.,  vote  received  by, 

199,  209,  297;  charges  against 

Allison  by,  203 
Kinney,   John   F.,   candidacy  of, 

for  Senator,  45;  votes  received 

by,  57,  271 
Kinsman,    John    N.,    controversy 

over  right  of,  to  seat,  40,  41; 

seat  of,  declared  vacant,  41 
Kirkwood,  Samuel  J.,  promise  of 

Stone    to    appoint,    133,    134; 

letter    from    Harlan    to,    135; 

mention    of,    for    senatorship, 

136,  158;    letter   from   Grimes 
to,  136,  137;  anxiety  of  friends 
of,   137;    letter   from  Eich  to, 

137,  138,   171,   188,   189,   190; 
pledge   of   Harlan   to   support, 
138;    contest    between    Harlan 
and,    138-140;    nomination    of, 
140,  141,  178;   disappointment 
of  friends  of,  141;  election  of, 
to   short  term,   141;    votes   re- 
ceived by,  149;  attempt  to  de- 
feat,  for   State   Senator,   160; 
reference  to,  162,  199,  240;  ef- 
fect of  nomination  of,  for  Gov- 
ernor,   168,    169;    letter    from 
Dewey  to,  170,  171,  188,  189; 
reluctance    of,    to    make    cam- 
paign, 170,  171;  election  of,  as 
Governor,  171;   chances  in  fa- 
vor of,  171;   effect  of  election 
of,  as  Governor,  172;   newspa- 
per comment  relative  to,  172; 
letter  written  by,  to  newspaper, 
173,    174;     criticism    of,    173- 
175;    efforts  of,  to  learn  atti- 
tude of  legislators,  175;  letter 
from   Palmer   to,    175;    record 
made  by,  in  Senate,  175;  letter 
from  Shepardson  to,  176;  sup- 
porters of,  176;  election  of,  in 
1876,  179;  appointment  of,  to 
Cabinet,    179,    190;    candidacy 
of,   for  senatorship,   188,   189; 
possibility  of  appointment  of, 
to    Cabinet,    188-190;    resigna- 
tion of,  from  Senate,  190;  let- 
ter from  Wilson  to,  190,  191; 

21* 


rumor  of  removal  of,  from 
Cabinet,  194;  movement  in  fa- 
vor of  election  of,  as  Senator, 
194-196;  strength  of,  in  Iowa, 
195,  196;  refusal  of,  to  be  can- 
didate, 196,  197;  attitude  of, 
toward  public  office,  197; 
friendship  between  Wilson  and, 
197;  praise  of,  198,  199;  inter- 
view with,  219,  220;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  286,  293 

Kirkwood  Hotel,  208 

Knapp,  Joseph  C.,  choice  of,  as 
Democratic  candidate,  167 

Knight,  W.  J.,  votes  received  by, 
in  caucus,  150 

Know-Nothings,  60 

LABOB,  protection  of,  32;  atti- 
tude of  Gear  toward,  240,  241 

Lacey,  John  F.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  224 ;  announce- 
ment of  candidacy  of,  227;  ob- 
jections to,  228,  229;  meeting 
of  supporters  of,  229;  defeat 
of,  in  caucus,  232,  233;  votes 
received  by,  256,  303;  cam- 
paign between  Cummins  and, 
257 

Lakin,  William  B.,  letter  to 
Kirkwood  from,  137 

Lane,  Joseph  E.,  votes  received 
by,  256 

Larrabee,  William,  186,  189,  199, 
231;  mention  of,  for  senator- 
ship,  211,  217;  withdrawal  of 
name  of,  214;  votes  received 
by,  221,  256 

Lecompton  Constitution,  104;  ef- 
fect of  support  of,  by  Jones, 
118 

Lee  County,  independent  legisla- 
tive ticket  in,  18,  19;  efforts 
to  secure  support  of  legislators 
from,  20;  attempt  to  bribe  in- 
dependents  from,  26;  vote  of 
independents  from,  29;  refer- 
ence to,  32,  42;  discussion  of 
senatorial  question  in,  38;  en- 
dorsement of  Wright  in,  144 


324 


INDEX 


Leffingwell,  William  E.,  votes  re- 
ceived by,  150 

Legislators,  resolutions  favoring 
resignation  of,  34,  35 

Lewis,  Warner,  letter  to  Jones 
from,  57 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  effect  of  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska Act  on,  60;  ap- 
pointment of  Harlan  by,  132; 
reference  to,  139 

Liquor  question,  disposition  of, 
by  Democrats,  135 

Locality,  question  of,  107;  depre- 
cation of  emphasis  on,  136; 
importance  of,  145,  153;  em- 
phasis on,  212,  228,  240 

Locofocos,  18,  19,  22,  39;  charge 
against  Whigs  by,  21;  charges 
against,  23,  24,  31,  32,  35,  41; 
manipulation  of,  to  secure 
votes,  26;  concessions  to,  by 
Whigs,  27 ;  raising  of  hopes  of, 
44  (see  also  Democrats) 

Love,  Mr.,  vote  received  by,  131, 
285 

Lowe,  Ralph  P.,  nomination  of, 
47,  48;  defeat  of,  48 

McARTHUB,  W.  C.,  238 

McCarthy,  C.  G.,  229,  234,  246 

McCarty,  Jonathan,  nomination 
of,  23;  votes  received  by,  29; 
defeat  of,  29;  fear  of  election 
of,  30;  reference  to,  264 

McCoy,  Ben,  229 

McCrary,  George  W.,  candidacy 
of,  for  senatorship,  171;  news- 
paper comment  relative  to, 
172;  support  of,  by  Sample, 
176 ;  votes  received  by,  293 

McDill,  James  W.,  appointment 
of,  to  vacancy,  190 ;  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  191;  refer- 
ence to,  193,  197,  227,  295; 
chance  in  favor  of,  198;  nomi- 
nation of,  199;  election  of, 
199;  votes  received  by,  297 

McFarland,  C.  J.,  48 

McFarland,  Samuel,  letter  to 
Harlan  from,  76 


McFarland,  William  M.,  229,  234 

McKay,  William,  vote  received 
by,  276,  277 

Mahoney,  D.  A.,  newspaper 
founded  by,  53 

Manufactures,  protection  of,  32 

Marble  Eock,  176 

Marion  County,  40 

Marshall,  Samuel  T.,  attempt  of, 
to  bribe  King,  24-26 ;  arrest  of, 
25;  reference  to,  26;  public 
reprimand  of,  265;  relation  of, 
to  Patterson,  265 

Marshall  County,  211 

Marshalltown,  159,  211 

Mason,  Charles,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  38;  reference  to, 
46 

Mason,  James  M.,  89 

Merrill,  Samuel,  143,  147,  160; 
refusal  of,  to  make  appoint- 
ment, 144,  145;  possibility  of, 
as  compromise  candidate,  146; 
votes  received  by,  149,  287; 
mention  of,  for  senatorship, 
158 

Methodist  Church,  support  of 
Harlan  by,  189 

Methodist  clergymen,  letter  writ- 
ten to,  by  Newman,  153 

Methodists,  attempts  to  secure 
support  of,  140 

Metropolitan  Methodist  Church 
of  Washington,  D.  C.,  chaplain 
of,  153 

Mexico,  war  with,  37,  39 

Miller,  Daniel  F.,  efforts  of,  in 
favor  of  Warren,  65;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  186 

Mississippi  River,  immigration 
across,  61 

Missouri  Compromise,  repeal  of, 
60 

Missouri  River,  extension  of  rail- 
roads towards,  108 

Missouri  River  Opener,  The 
Great,  108 

Missouri  slope,  effort  to  elect 
Senator  from,  125 

Mitchell,  Gilbert  C.  R.,  nomina- 


INDEX 


325 


tion  of,  23;  vote  cast  for,  29; 

reference  to,  264 
Mitchell,  Ira  C.,  130 
Mitchell  County,  159 
Monona    County,    defrauding    of 

settlers  of,  203,  204 
Montagues,  contest  between  Cap- 

ulets  and,  104,  105 
Morgan,  James  M.,  condemnation 

of  Jones  by,  51,  52;  reference 

to,  268 

Morris,  Eastin,  22,  27 
Morris,  Martin  L.,  letter  to  Har- 

lan  from,  128 
Mt.  Pleasant,  65,  66,  73,  86,  103, 

124,  165,  172 
Muscatine,  55,  211 
Muscatine  County,  34,  193 

NASH,  Chauncey,  73 

National  Republican  Convention, 
237 

National  Whigs,  prediction  of 
bolting  by,  70;  refusal  of,  to 
attend  caucus,  73;  attempt  to 
conciliate,  74;  candidate  of, 
75;  charges  against  Harlan  by, 
76;  refusal  of  Democrats  to 
fuse  with,  77 

Naturalization,  attitude  of  Har- 
lan toward,  164 

Negus,  Charles,  number  of  votes 
received  by,  271 

New  England,  loss  of,  by  Demo- 
crats, 60;  immigration  from, 
61 

New  York  City,  220 

Newbold,  Joshua  G.,  175 

Newman,  J.  P.,  excitement  over 
letter  written  by,  153-155 

Northern  Iowa,  men  favored  by, 
for  Senator,  20,  21 ;  contest  be- 
tween southern  Iowa  and,  21; 
candidates  in,  45;  desire  of, 
for  Senator,  107,  145,  153; 
lack  of  strong  candidate  in, 
114;  attitude  of,  toward  Har- 
lan, 156 

Northwest,  effect  of  Kansas-Ne- 
braska Act  on,  60 


O'CONNOR,  Frank  A.,  307 

O  'Connor,  Henry,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  158 

Offices,  contest  for,  17 

Ohio,  note  on  State  Bank  of, 
given  to  King,  25 

Ohio  Biver,  immigration  from 
States  north  of,  61 

"Old  Red",  38,  268 

Old  Stone  Capitol,  28;  reassem- 
bling of  legislature  in,  33;  ball 
in,  49;  reception  in,  103 

Olmstead,  S.  B.,  resolution  by,  34 

Onawa,  181 

Oskaloosa,  229 

PACIFIC  Bailroad,  diverting  of 
branch  of,  163 

Palmer,  Frank  W.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  158 

Palmer,  John,  letter  to  Kirk- 
wood  from,  175 

Patterson,  William,  attempted 
bribery  by,  26;  relation  of,  to 
Marshall,  265 

Pella,  172 

Pelliken,  Peter  (fictitious  name), 
26 

Pennsylvania,  165 

Perkins,  George  D.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  224;  announce- 
ment of  candidacy  of,  227;  de- 
feat of,  in  caucus,  232,  233; 
votes  received  by,  256,  303 

Perry  Fuller  and  Company,  162 

Pittsburgh  (Pennsylvania),  con- 
vention at,  107 

Polk,  James  K.,  criticism  of,  37; 
help  demanded  from  Iowa  by, 
38 

Polk  County,  40,  244 

Popular  sovereignty,  doctrine  of, 
effect  of,  104 

Population,  increase  in,  108 

Porter,  Asbury  B.,  73 

Porter,  Claude  B.,  votes  received 
by,  248,  256,  258,  259,  307; 
nomination  of,  254,  256 

Possums,  success  of,  in  Lee  Coun- 
ty, 19 


326 


INDEX 


Powers,  Julius  H.,  128 

Price,  Hiram,  candidacy  of,  for 
senatorship,  171,  191;  newspa- 
per comment  relative  to,  172; 
hope  of  followers  of,  176;  ref- 
erence to,  178;  votes  received 
by,  178,  293 

Primary  election,  result  of  vote 
at,  254 

Primary  law,  enactment  of,  248- 
250;  amendment  to,  255,  256 

Progressives,  presence  of,  in  cau- 
cus, 256;  leader  of,  257;  can- 
didates of,  259;  deadlock  be- 
tween Standpatters  and,  259, 
260 

Prohibition,  agitation  of  question 
of,  61,  200,  201;  effect  of 
question  of,  on  senatorial  con- 
test, 201,  236,  237;  charges  of 
insincerity  with  respect  to,  205, 
206;  defection  from  Eepublic- 
an  party  on  account  of,  206; 
opinion  of  Allison  relative  to, 
217;  effect  of  endorsement  of, 
222;  abandonment  of,  by  Ee- 
publicans,  222;  refusal  of 
group  of  Eepublicans  to  sup- 
port, 243 

Prohibitionists,  candidate  of,  254 

Prohibitory  law,  enactment  of, 
108;  pledge  of  Eepublicans  to 
secure,  200 

Pugh,  George  E.,  95,  101 

EAILROAD  land  grants,  efforts  of 
Thorington  to  secure,  108 

Eailroads,  criticism  of  attitude  of 
Jones  toward,  52;  extension  of, 
108;  alleged  support  of  Allison 
by,  164,  220 ;  service  of  Wilson 
to,  198;  Allison  charged  with 
corruption  in  connection  with, 
202-204,  218;  objection  to 
views  of  Allison  relative  to,  217 

Eeconstruction,  146 ;  revolt 
against  policy  of,  157 

Eeed,  J.  E.,  mention  of,  for  sen- 
atorship, 212,  213;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  215,  300 


Eegency,  alleged  support  of  Cum- 
mins by,  244 

Eegister  of  Land  Office,  service 
of  Dodge  as,  20;  promise  to 
secure  appointment  of  Conlee 
as,  26 

Eeiniger,  Bobert  G.,  214 

Eepublican  National  Convention, 
delegate  to,  107 

Eepublican  party,  cause  of  for- 
mation of,  60;  first  steps  in 
organization  of,  60,  61;  first 
victory  of,  63;  service  of 
Clarke  to,  107;  first  sign  of 
ascendancy  of,  108;  services  of 
Thorington  to,  110;  composi- 
tion of,  114;  dominance  of, 
129;  revolt  in,  157;  absence  of 
factions  in,  180;  opposition  of, 
to  Hayes,  180;  fidelity  of  Al- 
lison to,  182,  183;  position  of 
Wilson  in,  198 ;  defection  from, 
on  account  of  prohibition,  206; 
charge  of  Caldwell  against, 
214;  fidelity  of  Cummins  to, 
242,  243;  lack  of  harmony  in, 
259 

Eepublican  State  Central  Com- 
mittee, circular  issued  by,  124 

Eepublican  State  Convention, 
133,  134,  168;  plan,  to  make 
nomination  at,  244 

Eepublicanism  in  Iowa,  Father 
of,  108 

Eepublicans,  joining  of,  by  Ger- 
mans, 60;  reference  to,  92,  102, 
174;  reception  given  to  Harlan 
by,  103;  victory  of,  in  State 
elections,  106,  124,  130,  161, 
171,  206,  223,  227;  support  of 
Grimes  by,  117;  majority  of, 
in  legislature,  119,  141,  216; 
warnings  to,  122,  123,  135, 
170,  206,  219,  220,  226;  de- 
fense of  Harlan  by,  123,  124; 
caucus  held  by,  127,  128,  140, 
141,  148,  149,  166,  167,  177, 
185,  186,  199,  207,  208,  213, 
214,  220,  221,  232,  233,  238,  245, 
247,  256;  satisfaction  of,  with 


INDEX 


327 


Harlan,  142;  endorsement  of 
Wright  by,  in  Lee  County,  144 ; 
effect  of  senatorial  contest  on 
prospects  of,  160;  resolutions 
of  conventions  held  by,  192, 
193;  attitude  of,  toward  Kirk- 
wood,  195,  196;  pledge  of,  to 
secure  prohibitory  law,  200 ; 
approval  of  Allison  by,  201, 
235;  attitude  of,  toward 
charges  against  Allison,  202; 
defense  of  Allison  by,  204, 
205;  charges  against  Demo- 
crats by,  205;  charges  against, 
206;  attitude  of,  toward  Wil- 
son, 210;  confidence  of,  in  Al- 
lison, 218;  alarm  among,  218, 
219;  contest  between  Demo- 
crats and,  over  Speaker,  219; 
efforts  of,  to  end  Democratic 
success,  222;  abandonment  of 
prohibition  by,  222;  charge 
against,  in  connection  with  pro- 
hibition, 236,  237;  letters  sent 
by  Gear  to,  241;  choice  of  Al- 
lison by,  at  primaries,  254; 
vote  of,  at  special  primary,  257 

Eich,  Jacob,  letter  to  Kirkwood 
from,  137,  138,  171,  189,  190, 
196,  197;  reference  to,  154, 
160,  176;  letter  to  Harlan 
from,  188 

Eipon  (Wisconsin),  60 

River  improvement  bills,  attitude 
of  Jones  toward,  52 

Eivers,  improvement  of,  17,  32 

Eoek  Island,  labor  troubles  at 
arsenal  on,  241 

Eothrock,  James  H.,  movement  in 
favor  of,  219 

Eousseau,  Lovell  H.,  assault  on 
Grinnell  by,  146,  147 

Russell,  Samuel  A.,  76 

SAMMIS,  J.  U.,  307 

Sample,  Samuel  S.,  176 

Samuels,  Benjamin  M.,  nomina- 
tion of,  118;  reason  for  nomi- 
nation of,  118,  119;  defeat  of, 
119;  vote  received  by,  276 


San  Domingo  ring,  support  of 
Harlan  by,  164,  165 

Sargeant,  Thomas  S.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  55;  reference 
to,  270 

Saunders,  Alvin,  conversation  of, 
with  Harlan,  67,  68;  letter  to 
Harlan  from,  116;  reference 
to,  127 

Savery  Hotel,  139,  148,  166 

Scott,  John,  votes  received  by, 
287,  288 

Scott  County,  193 

Seaman,  Bruce,  193 

Secretary  of  Interior,  appoint- 
ment of  Harlan  as,  132;  desire 
of  Harlan  to  resign  as,  135; 
charges  against  Harlan  on  ac- 
count of  conduct  as,  162,  163; 
possibility  of  appointment  of 
Wilson  as,  188 ;  appointment  of 
Kirkwood  as,  190 

Secretary  of  Treasury,  possibility 
of  appointment  of  Wilson  as, 
188 

Sectionalism,  beginning  of,  21 

Sections  of  Iowa,  contest  be- 
tween, 104,  107,  114,  156;  lack 
of  contest  between,  181 

Seerley,  John  J.,  votes  received 
by,  247 

Sells,  Elijah,  resolution  by,  34,  35 

Senate  (Iowa),  majority  of  Dem- 
ocrats in,  18,  62 ;  controversy 
between  House  and,  23,  24,  27 ; 
refusal  of,  to  meet  in  joint 
convention,  33-35;  illegal  mem- 
bers of,  40;  refusal  of,  to  un- 
seat illegal  members,  43;  ad- 
journment of,  to  escape  joint 
convention,  83,  99;  violation  of 
good  faith  by,  85,  86;  protest 
by,  89;  effect  of  absence  of, 
from  joint  convention,  96-100 

Senate  (United  States),  first  con- 
test for  seats  in,  17;  presenta- 
tion of  Dodge  and  Jones  in, 
48;  criticism  of  actions  of 
Jones  in,  52;  probability  of  re- 
jection of  appointment  by,  89; 


328 


INDEX 


seat  taken  in,  by  Harlan,  89; 
political  complexion  of,  89, 
90;  effect  of  decision  of,  102; 
record  made  by  Kirkwood  in, 
175;  fidelity  of  Allison  to  Re- 
publicanism in,  183;  resigna- 
tion of  Kirkwood  from,  190 

Senate  Naval  Committee,  secre- 
tary of,  137 

Senator,  United  States,  scheme  to 
prevent  election  of,  65;  largest 
majority  ever  given  to,  in  Iowa, 
131  (see  also  candidates) 

Senatorial  Trust,  alleged  support 
of  Gear  by,  241;  denial  of  ex- 
istence of,  242 

Senators,  United  States,  first  elec- 
tion of,  17-49 ;  attempt  at  brib- 
ery in  election  of,  24-27;  reso- 
lution relative  to  manner  of 
electing,  28;  failure  to  elect, 
36,  43;  act  of  General  Assem- 
bly relative  to  election  of,  36, 
96,  98;  calling  of  extra  session 
for  election  of,  39;  act  of  Con- 
gress regulating  election  of, 
150,  299;  effect  of  State 
elections,  on  election  of,  169, 
170;  places  of  residence  of, 
in  Iowa,  227;  election  of, 
from  1900  to  1911,  239;  move- 
ment in  favor  of  popular  elec- 
tion of,  248-250;  primary  law 
for  nomination  of,  250;  close 
of  history  of  election  of,  260 
(for  list  of  Senators  see  table 
of  contents  and  for  a  general 
survey  of  senatorial  elections 
see  preface) 

Seward,  William  H.,  higher  law 
doctrine  of,  77;  reference  to, 
101,  117 

Shaw,  Leslie  M.,  appointment  of 
Dolliver  by,  246;  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  248 

Shelladay,  Stephen  B.,  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  69;  nomi- 
nation of,  72;  difference  in 
spelling  of  name,  272;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  273,  274 


Shepardson,  J.  B.,  letter  to  Kirk- 
wood from,  176 

Sherman,  Buren  R.,  189,  205,  207 

Shields,  John  G.,  votes  received 
by,  276 

Shrader,  John  C.,  199 

Sigourney,  217 

Silver,  attitude  of  Allison  toward 
remonetization  of,  185 

Sioux  City,  156,  173,  184,  197 

Sioux  City  and  Pacific  Railroad, 
163;  charges  of  corruption  in 
connection  with,  203,  204 

Slavery,  hope  of  settlement  of 
question  of,  59;  coalition  of 
factions  opposed  to,  60;  at- 
tempt to  learn  attitude  of  Har- 
lan relative  to,  77;  attitude  of 
Cook  toward,  81;  importance 
of,  as  political  issue,  104,  120; 
doctrine  of  Calhoun  relative  to, 
105 

Smith,  Mr.,  46 

Smith,  H.  Y.,  199 

Smith,  Joel,  vote  received  by,  287 

Smith,  Malcolm,  nomination  of, 
254 

Smith,  Walter  I.,  votes  received 
by,  256 

Smyth,  William,  candidacy  of, 
for  Senator,  111;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  118 

Socialists,  candidates  of,  254 

Soldier,  movement  in  favor  of, 
for  Senator,  212 

Southern  Iowa,  support  of  Dodge 
by,  20,  45;  contest  between 
northern  Iowa  and,  21;  argu- 
ments against  Jones  in,  52;  de- 
sire of,  for  Senator,  107;  refer- 
ence to,  112;  offices  held  by 
residents  of,  114;  home  of  Sen- 
ators in,  145;  attitude  of,  to- 
ward Allison,  156 

Speaker  of  House,  election  of 
Cotton  as,  148;  election  of 
Stone  as,  180;  contest  over 
election  of,  219;  election  of 
Hamilton  as,  221 

Springdale,  110 


INDEX 


329 


Springer,  Francis,  48;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  49;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  69 

Standpatters,  leader  of,  257 ;  can- 
didates of,  259;  deadlock  be- 
tween Progressives  and,  259, 
260 

Starr,  Henry  W.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  69 

State  officers,  first  election  of,  17 

Statehood,  offices  created  by  ad- 
mission to,  17 

Stevens,  Andrew  J.,  126 

Stewart,  Joel,  resolutions  intro- 
duced by,  208 

Stillman,  Paul  E.,  307 

Stone,  John  Y.,  election  of,  as 
Speaker,  180;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  223 ;  announce- 
ment of  candidacy  of,  227;  de- 
feat of,  in  caucus,  232,  233; 
votes  received  by,  303 

Stone,  William  M.,  anxiety  con- 
cerning appointment  by,  132; 
promise  of,  to  appoint  Kirk- 
wood,  133,  134 ;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  136,  158;  refer- 
ence to,  186 

Stoneman,  John  T.,  votes  received 
by,  141;  nomination  of,  for 
short  term,  150;  defeat  of,  151 

Street,  Joseph  H.  D.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  69;  nomina- 
tion of,  72,  75,  79,  82;  votes 
received  by,  79,  273,  274,  276 

Stuart,  Charles  E.,  101 

Stuart,  Frank  Q.,  238 

Stubbs,  D.  P.,  vote  received  by, 
199,  287,  297 

Sub-treasury,  17 

Summers,  Laurel,  letter  from 
Thomas  to,  20;  letter  from 
Clarke  to,  32,  33,  267 

Sumner,  Charles,  117 

Superintendent  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion, service  of  Harlan  as,  66; 
contest  for  office  of,  75 

Supreme  Court  of  Iowa,  candi- 
dates for  seats  on,  22 ;  proposal 
for  joint  convention  to  ebct 


judges  of,  23 ;  controversy  over 
time  of  electing  judges  of,  27, 
28;  election  of  judges  of,  48, 
82 ;  motion  to  vote  for  judges 
of,  79;  Wright  as  Chief  Jus- 
tice of,  151 

Supreme  Court  of  United  States, 
force  of  decisions  of,  77 

Swalm,  Albert,  229 

TARIFF  of  1842,  17 

Tariff  of  1846,  39 

Taylor,  Zachary,  44 

Teale,  Fred  A.,  177 

Temperance  reform,  revolution  in 
ideas  of,  108 

Temple,  M.  L.,  238 

Test,  James  D.,  80 

Thayer,  E.  H.,  votes  received  by, 
247 

Thomas,  Lewis  A.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  20 

Thompson,  Hugh  R.,  48,  271,  276 

Thorington,  James,  political  ca- 
reer of,  107,  108;  reference  to, 
109;  campaign  of,  for  senator- 
ship,  110;  votes  received  by, 
118 ;  sketch  of  life  of,  280 

Thurston,  W.  A.,  276 

Tipton,  109 

Tisdale,  O.  D.,  vote  received  by, 
276 

Toombs,  Eobert,  97,  101;  defense 
of  Harlan  by,  98-100;  vote  on 
motion  by,  101 

Torbert,  Willard  H.,  253 

Torbert  Letter,  251-253 

Toucey,  Isaac,  101 

Towner,  Horace  M.,  307 

Treasury  notes,  17 

Trewin,  James  H.,  votes  received 
by,  256 

Trimble,  H.  H.,  votes  received  by, 
141 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  101;  creden- 
tials of  Harlan  presented  by, 
103 

UNION  Pacific  Eailroad,  164; 
branch  of,  203,  204 


330 


INDEX 


Usher,  John  P.,  appointment  of 
Harlan  as  successor  to,  132 

VAN  Antwerp,  Ver  Planck,  32, 
46;  mention  of,  for  senator- 
ship,  38,  55 

Van  Buren  County,  151,  167 

Vandever,  William,  letter  from, 
read  by  Harlan,  93;  mention 
of,  for  senatorship,  136,  146; 
votes  received  by,  286,  287,  288 

Vinton,  126 

WAITE,  J.  L.,  244 

Wallace,  Henry,  vote  received  by, 
215,  300;  reference  to,  307 

Wallace,  William  H.,  nomination 
of,  47,  48;  defeat  of,  48 

Warren,  Fitz  Henry,  candidacy 
of,  for  senatorship,  63;  polit- 
ical career  of,  63,  64;  objec- 
tions to,  64;  chances  in  favor 
of,  64,  65;  impossibility  of 
election  of,  66,  67;  reason  for 
support  of,  68;  reference  to, 
70,  75,  125;  nomination  of,  72; 
votes  received  by,  72,  141,  273, 
274,  286;  defeat  of,  for  nomi- 
nation, 73;  disappointment  at 
defeat  of,  74;  manner  of  bear- 
ing '  defeat  by,  74 ;  support  of 
Harlan  by,  76;  opposition  of, 
to  Grimes,  117 ;  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  136;  rumor  of 
bargain  between  Harlan  and, 
137 

Washington  (D.  C.),  political 
conditions  at,  37,  38;  criticism 
of  absence  of  Jones  from,  53, 
54;  departure  of  Jones  for, 
57;  departure  of  Harlan  for, 
87;  unpleasant  position  of 
Harlan  at,  89,  90;  return  of 
Harlan  to,  103;  circulars  sent 
out  from,  123;  communications 
from,  136;  reference  to,  137, 
138;  house  purchased  by  Har- 
lan in,  162;  need  of  harmoni- 
ous delegation  at,  165;  position 
of  Allison  at,  182 


Washington  aqueduct,  fraud  in 
connection  with  appropriation 
for,  163 

Washington 's  Birthday,  Whig 
mass  meeting  on,  35 

Weaver,  James  B.,  attack  on  Al- 
lison by,  202,  203;  charges 
against,  205,  206 

West,  attitude  of,  toward  new 
party,  61;  leading  Eepublican 
Senator  from,  182 

Western  Iowa,  desire  of,  for  Sen- 
ator, 212,  227,  240;  State  of- 
ficials in,  228;  disappointment 
of,  233,  234 

Whicher,  Stephen,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  69 

Whig  National  Convention,  dele- 
gate to,  64 

Whig  party,  doom  of,  60;  split 
in,  70 

Whigs,  17,  19,  43,  60,  92,  114; 
majority  of,  in  House  of  Eep- 
resentatives,  18,  43,  62,  63; 
lack  of  hope  among,  18,  50, 
53;  efforts  of,  to  secure  sup- 
port of  independents,  20; 
charges  against,  21;  reply  of, 
to  charges,  21,  22;  candidates 
nominated  by,  23,  47,  55,  57, 
72;  charges  against  Democrats 
by,  23,  24,  31,  32;  comments 
of,  on  bribery  episode,  25,  26; 
controversy  between  Democrats 
and,  27;  concessions  made  by, 
27;  defeat  of  candidate  of, 
29;  activities  of,  during  recess 
of  legislature,  32,  33;  resolu- 
tion by,  in  House,  34,  35 ;  mass 
meeting  of,  35;  reasons  for  ex- 
tra session  explained  by,  37; 
strength  of,  in  Congress,  37, 
38;  duty  of  electing  Senator 
pointed  out  by,  39;  efforts  of, 
to  defeat  opponents,  40;  dis- 

_  gust  of,  at  retention  of  illegal 
members,  41;  equality  between 
Democrats  and,  41;  praise  of 
Clifton  by,  42;  minority  of, 
44;  efforts  of,  to  discredit 


INDEX 


331 


Jones,  51;  attitude  of,  toward 
compromise,  59;  amalgamation 
of  Free  Soilers  and,  61;  desire 
of,  to  elect  Senator,  62;  oppo- 
sition of,  to  Warren,  67;  ex- 
pectations concerning  caucus 
by,  69,  70;  failure  of,  to  hold 
caucus,  70;  willingness  of,  to 
go  into  convention,  71;  caucus 
held  by,  73;  need  of  reconcil- 
ing bolting,  74;  factional  strife 
among,  76,  77;  illegal  manner 
of  electing  candidate  of,  86; 
hostility  of,  to  new  party,  90 

Whitaker,  John  M.,  right  of,  to 
seat  in  Senate,  40,  41;  refer- 
ence to,  269 

White,  Fred  E.,  nomination  of, 
245;  defeat  of,  245 

Willett,  George  B.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  146 

Williams,  Joseph,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  38,  55;  reference 
to,  46;  nomination  of,  72; 
vote  received  by,  271,  273 

Wilmot  Proviso,  39 

Wilson,  C.  H.,  votes  received  by, 
259 

Wilson,  James,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  224 

Wilson,  James  F.,  mention  of,  for 
senatorship,  136,  158;  support 
of  Allison  by,  145;  reference 
to,  146,  160,  191;  political  ca- 
reer of,  158,  159;  support  of, 
159;  opposition  to,  159,  160; 
charges  against  integrity  of, 
163,  164;  votes  received  by, 
166,  290,  297,  300;  possibility 
of  appointment  of,  to  Cabinet, 
187,  188;  announcement  of 
candidacy  of,  190;  instructions 
to  vote  for,  193 ;  friendship  be- 
tween Kirkwood  and,  197; 
chance  in  favor  of,  198;  crit- 
icism of,  198;  nomination  of, 
199,  214;  first  election  of,  199; 
attitude  of  Republicans  to- 
ward, 210;  absence  of  candi- 


dates against,  210;  desire  for 
new  man  to  succeed,  210,  211; 
attitude  of  county  conventions 
toward,  211;  attitude  of 
friends  of,  toward  soldier 
movement,  212;  lack  of  organ- 
ization in  opposition  to,  213; 
second  election  of,  214,  215; 
question  of  successor  to,  223 

Wilson,  Thomas  S.,  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  20,  38,  55;  im- 
provement in  chances  of,  20, 
21;  nomination  of,  23;  votes 
received  by,  29,  118;  desire  of, 
to  drop  Dodge,  32;  reference 
to,  33,  54,  264;  support  of,  by 
Democrats,  40;  contest  be- 
tween Jones  and,  45,  104,  105, 
115,  116;  defeat  of,  for  nomi- 
nation, 46 

Wisconsin,  meeting  of  citizens  of, 
60 

Wisconsin,  Territory  of,  Delegate 
to  Congress  from,  45 

Woodward,  William  G.,  election 
of,  to  Supreme  Court,  82;  let- 
ter from,  read  by  Harlan,  93 

Woolson,  John  S.,  177 

Work,  John  M.,  nomination  of, 
254 

Wright,  George  G.,  votes  received 
by,  57,  273,  286;  mention  of, 
for  senatorship,  69;  nomina- 
tion of,  72,  149;  election  of,  to 
Supreme  Court,  82;  letter 
from,  read  by  Harlan,  93 ;  fear 
of  possible  candidacy  of,  125, 
126;  endorsement  of,  144; 
qualifications  of,  for  senator- 
ship,  145;  contest  between  Al- 
lison and,  147,  148;  election  of, 
150;  official  career  of,  151; 
reference  to,  152,  227,  229 

YOUNG,  Lafayette,  Sr.,  229;  ap- 
pointment of,  258;  votes  re- 
ceived by,  259;  withdrawal  of 
name  of,  260 

Yulee,  David  L.,  92 


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